11 


I 


.■a3AiNn-3uv 


^^k 


iH^AINil 


EUaOPE 


AFTER 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  AIX-LA-CHAPELLE. 

FORMING  THE  SEQUEL 

TO  THE 

CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA. 


BY 

M.  BE  PRJDT, 

EenMESLT   ARCHBISHOP    OS   M£CB£IK. 


PUBLISHED  AT  PARIS,  1819. 


TRANSLATED,  WITH  NOTES, 

BY  GEORGE  ALEXJiJ^DER  OTIS. 


PHILADELPHIA : 

PUBLISHED  BV  M.  CAREY  U  SON, 
vo,  126j  CHEsmrx  strbbt. 

1820, 


EaSTEUJT  DiSTHlCT  Of  Pf-MJSrLVAXIA,  TO  WIT  : 

Be  it  UEJfEM BERET),  That  on  the  eighteenth  day  of  February,  in  tfie 

forty-fourth  year  of  the  Independence  of  the    United  ^States  of 

[seal.]    America,  A.  D.  18i20,  M.  Cabet  &  Sox,  of  the  said  district,  have 

deposited  in  this  office  the  title  of  a  book,  the  right  ivheveof  they 

claim  as  proprietors,  in  the  ivords  folloiuing,  to  luit  : 

"Europe  after  the  Congress  of  Jlix-la-Chapelle.  Forming  the  Sequel 
to  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  By  J\l.  De  Pradt,  formerly  Archbishop 
of  Mechlin.  Published  at  Paris,  1819.  Translated, -ivith  JVotes,  by 
George  Alexander  Otis." 

In  conjormity  to  the  act  of  the  cmigress  of  the  United  States,  intitided 
*'  An  act  for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  by  secnHng  the  copies  of  maps, 
charts,  and  books,  to  the  authors  and  proprietors  of  such  copies  ditriiig  the 
times  therein  mentioned.'"  And  also  to  the  act,  entitled,  "An  act  siipple- 
meritary  to  U7i  act,  entitled  '  An  act  for  the  encouragement  of  learmng,  by 
.securing  the  copies  of  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to  the  authors  and  proprie- 
tors of  such  copies  during  the  times  therein  mentioned'  and  extending  the 
benefits  thereof  to  the  arts  of  designing,  engraving,  and  etching  historical 
and  other  prints." 

D.  CALDWELL, 
Clerk  of  the  Eastern  District  of  Pennsybjanin . 


r86^S: 


CONTENTS. 

Preface,  .  .  .  .  ix 

Chap.  I. —  Conduct  of  Europe  with  respect  to 

France,  from  1813  to  1818,         .  .         1 

Chap.  II. — General  Obse?'vatio?is. — General  Po- 
litical Order  of  Europe,  .  .         19 
Russia,      ....  24 
Sweden,        .             .             .             .         32 
Denmark,               ...  38 
Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands,              .         43 
Prussia,                  .             .             .  55 
Austria,         .             .             .             .64 
German  Empire,                 .             .             73 
France,         .             .             .             .81 
Chap.  III. — Ancient  Systejn  of  France  on  the 
^              Continent,          .              .              .              .91 
eg     Part  II. — J\'e7v  System  of  France  on  the  Confi- 

tinent,  .  .  .  .  130 

^      Chap.  IV. — Division  of  the  South  of  Europe; 
2  Italy,  Spain,  Portugal,  England,  .  144 

g     Chap.  V. — Comparison  of  the  Ancient  Political 

Order  with  the  A'eiv,  .  .  169 

Chap.  VI. — Spirit  of  the  Existing  Policy,  180 

z 

3 


'116''.^5 


IV  PREFACE. 

Page 

Chap.  VII. — General  jiffhirs  to  come,        .        203 
Chap.  VIII. — Declarations  o^  the  Congress  of 

Aix-la-Chapelley  .  .  .210 

Chap.  IX. — Spirit  of  the  People  of  Europe,       219 
Chap.  X. — Great  Permanent  Armies. — Public 

Debts,  ....         235 

Constitutional  Question  on    the  Evacuation  of 
France,  ....        265 


NOTICE. 

THE  translator  believes  he  cannot  more  accepta- 
bly offer  his  first  respects  to  the  public  than  by  pre- 
senting to  their  notice  a  distinguished  stranger,  M. 
De  Pradt.  As  a  Frenchman,  it  will  excite  no  sur- 
prise if  he  should  speak  our  language  with  a  foreign 
accent;  but  his  ideas  at  least  will  not  be  found  pro- 
vincial. It  has  been  objected  to  his  present  work, 
that  he  discovers  in  it  "a  silly  admiration  of  Eng- 
land." How  far  this  is  well  founded  the  reader  will 
be  his  own  judge.  He  will  naturally  take  into  view 
the  vicinity  of  England  to  the  continent;  and  will 
perceive,  that  a  power  which,  at  this  distance,  ex 
cites  no  terror,  may  still  be  sufficiently  formidable 
across  the  channel.  It  will  also  be  considered  that  the 
writer  addressed  himself  particularly  to  the  people  of 
France,  who  are  remarkable  for  being  more  affected 
by  results,  than  by  principles;  by  tlieir  senses,  than 
by  reasonings;  he  wrote  soon  after  the  evacuation  of 
France  by  foreign  troops;  at  a  time  when  the  Ultras 
were  in  power,  resisted  the  execution  of  the  Charter, 
and  opposed  all  constitutional  government.  England 
was  in  view;  had  shared  in  the  triumph  at  Waterloo, 
and  gained  all  her  objects  in  the  war  of  the  French 
revolution;  M.  De  Pradt  attributes  all  her  successes 
and  prosperity  to  a  free  constitution.  The  greater  and 
better  the  effects,  the  greater  and  better  the  cause. 
To  persuade  his  countrymen  not  to  remit  their  efforts 


VI 


to  accomplish  the  entire  and  practical  establishment 
of  such  a  constitution,  he  points  to  England  as  an 
example  of  its  salutary  results;  he  presents  a  bold 
outline  of  her  power  and  prosperity;  but  refers  it  all 
to  the  revolution  of  1688.  To  gain  proselytes  for 
the  worship  of  Liberty,  he  adorns  her  temple  with 
paintings  that  glow  with  the  rich  tints  of  a  brilliant 
imagination;  and  erects  her  statue  colossal  like  her 
own  magnificent  proportions.  In  the  character  of  her 
Apostle,  he  employs  parables,  and  hyperboles,  that 
startle  while  they  instruct.  Our  country,  if  not  the 
cradle,  and  the  sole  temple  of  this  divinity,  is  at  least 
her  chosen  asylum;  and,  since  it  welcomes  the  pil- 
grims, cannot  frown  at  the  devotion,  of  the  European 
world.  The  views  here  attributed  to  M.  De  Pradt, 
are  expressly  avowed  by  one  of  the  ablest  advocates 
of  the  same  creed  that  Europe  has  produced.  "  I 
am  well  pleased,''  says  this  writer,*  "to  hear  the 
praises  of  the  English  constitution.  I  have  always 
believed  the  English  to  have  been  indebted  principally 
to  this  constitution  for  the  possession  of  those  quali- 
ties which  have  procured  them  the  consideration  of 
Europe.  Now,  without  any  disposition  to  depreciate 
the  merit  of  a  people  who,  for  a  period  of  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty-tivo  years ^  have  held  forth  great  ex- 
amples to  the  world,  my  conviction  is,  that  if  a  free 
constitution  has  been  followed  with  such  good  effects, 
in  this  instance,  the  French  have  a  right  to  expect 
still  better  from  a  similar  cause.  Are  not  our  re- 
sources more  real,  our  climate  more  desirable,  our 
manners  more  polished,  our  affections  more  gentle, 
and  less  personal,  our  minds  more  flexible,  and  active, 

•  B.  Constant. 


VII 

6ur  character  more  hospitable?  If,  notwithstanding, 
liberty  has  given  the  English,  for  a  period  of  more 
than  a  century,  an  elevated  rank  among  nations, 
liberty  will  render  to  tlie  French  tlie  rank  assigned 
them  by  nature." 

If,  after  all,  the  panegjTic  of  England  be  a  dainty 
too  luscious  for  certain  fastidious  palates,  they  are  in- 
vited to  season  it  with  a  condiment  prepared  by  the 
same  hand. 

The  posthumous  work  of  Madame  de  Stael,  like 
this  of  M.  de  Pradt,  contains  an  elaborate  eulogium 
of  England,  and  of  her  constitution;  her  indulgent 
critic  retrenches  from  it  but  a  single  epithet;  he  is  not 
sure  that  the  constitution  of  which  she  speaks  can  be 
called  "the  actual  constitution  of  England."  Cir- 
cumstances have  much  changed  it.  1  see  frequent 
suspensions  of  the  habeas  corpus  act;  the  system  of 
spies  openly  avowed,  as  a  legitimate  instrument  of 
government;  the  alien  bill  perpetually  renewed;  retro- 
active, and  consequently  unjust,  measures,  adopted 
to  secure  its  execution.  I  see  the  opposition  feeble; 
elections  becoming  every  day  more  openly  corrupt; 
the  trajffic  for  seats  in  parliament  ceasing  to  be  scan- 
dalous, so  regular  is  the  operation,  and  their  current 
price  so  accurately  defined;  and,  were  it  not  for  the 
press,  which  survives,  thanks  to  the  habit  and  tradi- 
tion of  a  secular  liberty,  I  should  be  ready  to  exclaim, 
in  speaking  of  this  constitution,  which  excited  the 
envy  of  Voltaire,  and  the  admiration  of  Montesquieu, 

STAT  ]VUGNI  NOMINIS  UMBRA. 


/ 


PREFACE. 


THE  Congress  of  Vienna  has  given  to  Europe 
her  new  pohtical  Charter.     That  of  Aix-La-Chapelle 
has  pledged  the  solemn  faith  of  Europe  to  the  internal 
tranquillity  of  France,  and  given  her  a  kind  of  certifi- 
cate of  qualification  to  govern  herself  and  to  walk 
without  aid.     Thereby  every  thing  is  restored  to  the 
ordinary  and  accustomed  order  between  states.  From 
that  time  the  political  machine  of  Europe  is  found  to 
be  perfectly  re-established.  All  its  parts  are  distinctly 
perceived;  we  can  measure  their  proportions  and  re- 
ciprocal relations;  it  is  mounted,  and  it  remains  only 
to  indicate  how,  according  to  the  nature  of  things,  it 
may  be  expected  to  play.     This  is  what  we  have  at- 
tempted to  demonstrate  in  the  following  pages.    The 
time  of  mutual  felicitations,  as  well  as  that  of  public 
rejoicings,  is  past.     It  was  the  honey-moon  of  diplo- 
macy.    The  season  has  arrived  for  reflections  and  se- 
rious occupations ;  the  subject  will  reward  the  trouble. 
Each,  on  returning  home,  endeavours  to  arrange  him- 
self there ;  to  fortify  his  weak  points,  and  to  profit  by 
his  natural  or  adventitious  advantages.    An  eagerness 
will  be  discovered  to  form  alliances,  the  same  as  in 
times  past.     Already  we  hear  of  divers  systems  rela- 
tive to  connexions  of  this  nature.     The  moment  has 


X  PREFACE. 

appeared  to  us  favourable  for  examining  this  important 
subject  with  a  prospect  of  utility.  It  is  connected 
with  another  which  we  have  already  treated ;  or  ra- 
ther, it  is  merely  its  continuation.  We  refer  to  the 
treatise  on  the  Congress  of  Vienna, 

The  truth  of  some  views,  which  we  ventured  to 
publish  at  that  epoch,  appears  to  be  now  generally 
admitted.  We  then  indicated  two  principal  points  of 
the  European  policy,  as  being  at  the  same  time  its 
regulators — and  its  defects.  1.  The  supremacy  of 
Russia  and  England.  2.  The  inconveniences  of  the 
transportation  of  part  of  the  Prussian  monarchy  to 
between  the  Rhine  and  the  Meuse ;  and  the  subjec- 
tion of  Italy  to  Austria. 

Public  opinion  appears  to  have  confirmed  these 
views ;  and  if  we  call  them  to  mind  in  this  place,  it  is 
not  that  we  desire  to  display  them  as  titles  of  glory, 
but  as  letters  of  credence  which  we  present  to  esta- 
blish confidence  and  legitimate  our  mission.  We  pro- 
ceed in  this  part  of  our  speculations  as  in  those  we 
have  hazarded  on  the  Colonies.  ^ 

When  South  America  discovered  symptons  of  ap- 
proaching agitations,  we  called  the  attention  of  the 
public  to  the  exploit  she  was  about  to  achieve :  when 
her  career  had  commenced,  we  supported  our  prog- 
nostics relative  to  its  approaching,  and  inevitable  ter- 
mination, by  reference  to  predictions  made  at  the  mo- 
ment when  she  declared  herself.  In  these  two  cases 
truth  upon  the  past  is  summoned  to  testify  for  the 
future.  We  have  been  obliged  to  labour  on  a  sub- 
ject absolutely  new;  the  product  of  circumstances 
heretofore  unknown  in  the  diplomatic  order.  Nothing 
is  more  important  than  to  form  a  just  idea  of  the  poli- 


PREFACE.  XI 

tical  state  of  Europe ;  for  where  all  is  neWj  all  like- 
wise needs  to  be  explored ;  and  as  in  representative 
government,  all  force  is  derived  from  opinion,  and 
from  without  the  government,  it  is  essential  to  en- 
lighten this  opinion  fully,  that  it  may  always  be  quali- 
fied to  discharge  its  office — that  of  redressing  the 
false  steps  that  may  escape  the  administration ;  the 
latter  cannot  see  all,  and  its  fairest  privilege  consists 
in  the  power  of  realising  useful  ideas,  which  others 
can  only  conceive. 

In  England,  public  policy  is  discussed  in  all  parts 
of  the  country ;  in  all  the  publications  that  are  circu- 
lated daily,  and  thus  opinion  never  remains  inactive, 
whether  as  the  occupation  of  citizens,  or  as  their  or- 
gan. At  every  instant  it  is  challenged  to  act  and  to 
declare  itself; — and  at  every  instant,  it  does  so.  Thus, 
in  England,  it  is  rare  to  see  the  government  make  false 
steps,  and  when  it  occurs,  the  fault  is  immediately 
perceived,  exposed,  and  corrected.  England  owes 
the  height  of  her  prosperity  to  the  activity,  and  even 
severity,  of  this  control.  It  compels  the  government 
to  form  for  itself  a  system  and  adhere  to  it.  Whereas, 
in  France,  policy  has  almost  always  been  an  occult 
science :  immersed  in  the  interior  of  a  sanctuary  im- 
penetrable to  all  except  the  divers  winds  which  have: 
blasted  the  system  with  perpetual  mobility.  France 
accordingly,  has  never  had  a  steady  system.  Under 
Napoleon  it  centered  in  him  alone ;  fashioned  like  i^s 
author's  own  proportions,  gigantic  and  eccentric  like 
him. 

Then  all  was  commanded;  since  1814,  all  has 
been,  as  it  were,  obeyed.  We  must  lay  to  the  charge 
of  the  times,  and  there  leave,  the  necessity  of  this  pain- 


XU  PREFACE. 

ful  transition.  But,  at  length,  this  cup  of  bitter  de- 
gradation should  be  exhausted ;  it  seems  that  it  has 
been  drank  to  the  dregs.  It  is  quite  time  to  resume 
the  attitude  natural  to  a  great  country,  and  alone  wor- 
thy of  it.  With  greater  power  than  many  others, 
France  has  not  less  right  to  her  own  direction  than 
all  in  general — than  each  in  particular, — have  to  their 
own.  For  states,  independence  is  the  first  good,  and 
the  common  good.  The  system  of  France  is  the 
most  simple  and  the  most  inofl'ensive  that  can  be  con- 
ceived; the  maintenance  of  peace  towards  all — inde- 
pendence for  herself — and  the  avoidance  of  all  con- 
nexion with  others.  Whoever  causes  her  to  deviate 
from  this  route,  will  lead  her  a  false  course  and  com- 
promise her  dearest  interests. 

What  is  here  said  with  respect  to  France  applies 
equally  to  other  states ;  for  such  is  the  effect  of  gene- 
ral principles,  and  in  an  order  of  common  interests, 
good  can  only  result  from  the  wisdom  of  the  disposi- 
tions of  each  part,  and  from  that  of  the  whole,  and 
here  is  a  fair  application  of  the  axiom — 

Bonum  ex  Integra  causa,  malum  autem  ex  minimo  defectu. 

In  policy,  as  in  every  thing  else,  it  is  rare  that  the 
most  consoling  and  the  most  encouraging  should  be 
also  the  most  true.  The  present  period,  it  is  to  be 
hoped,  will  furnish  a  proof  of  the  contrary.  Peace, 
and  its  duration,  are  two  blessings  desired  by  all.  We 
have  been  careful  to  place  the  appearances  of  its  soli- 
dity in  a  favourable  light ;  for  the  removal  of  what- 
ever might  cause  it  to  be  doubted,  tends  to  its  confir- 
mation. Conviction  has  pourtrayed  this  picture.  Con- 
fining ourselves  to  the  examination  of  certain  subjects 
duty  restricts  us  to  that  only  of  the  declarations  whict 


PREFACE.  Xm 

emanated  from  the  Congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle.  It 
would  be  as  difficult  as  imprudent  to  follow  the  spirit 
of  fiction  through  the  infinite  variety  of  combinations 
it  has  created. 

There  is  but  one  point  upon  which  it  is  permitted 
to  dwell  without  temerity ;  and  this  point  is  also  rela- 
tive to  France.     We  see  her  admitted,  and  a  party  to 
the  alliance,  of  which  before,  she  had  been,  in  a  differ- 
ent sense,  the  original  and  persevering  object.     But 
is  this  alliance  entire,  definitive,  and  equal  in  all  its 
points,  between  her  and  her  allies.     Have  not  the 
patent  articles  a  lining  which  is  kept  out  of  sight,  but 
which  may  be  brought  to  view  in  case  of  need? 
Would  it  not  follow  that  France,  in  certain  cases, 
might  become  a  party  against  herself :  might  not  a 
convention  of  Pilnitz  of  1792  be  concealed  behind  the 
congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  of  1818?     The  wishes 
of  Europe  for  the  well  being  of  France  are  formal  and 
extensive.     But,  it  is  too  probable,  they  are  attended 
by  many  fears  and  distrusts.     That  which  is  within 
inspires  fear  for  that  which  is  without,  and  on  this 
ground  precautions  are  believed  justifiable.     False 
reports  may  have  fomented  and  increased  these  appre- 
hensions. Other  nations  have  generally  been  deceived 
in  regard  to  the  spirit  of  France,  and  have  miscon- 
ceived it.     Too  often  have  they  received  impressions 
from  men  who  know  it  no  better  than  themselves. 
In  1790,  they  made  sport  of  what  took  place  in 
France,  and  viewed  it  as  a  mere  tumult  to  be  left  to 
the  care  of  a  few  battalions.     In  1792  they  had  alrea- 
dy gone  to  the  opposite  extreme ;  dejection  had  taken 
the  place  of  presumption.     Under  Napoleon,  under 
the  Directory,  they  could  only  negotiate  or  tremble. 


XIV  PREFACE. 

They  had  never  any  steady  plan;  never  any  judg- 
jRient  founded  on  certain  bases.     Meantime,  ought 
the  destiny  of  France  to  depend  on  interested  sug- 
gestions, or  erroneous  suppositions?  ought  the  state 
of  a  great  people  to  be  appreciated  and  regulated  ac- 
cording to  phantoms  created  by  fear,  or  disappointed 
ambition  ?    For  example,  it  is  too  probable  that  these 
influences  have  acted  upon  the  allies ;  and  that  they 
have  chosen  to  have  apprehensions  the  very  moment 
in  which  they  had  just  declared  to  Europe,  and  to 
France,  that  all  was  tranquil.    On  the  supposition  that 
they  had  reserved  to  themselves  the  right  to  pro- 
nounce upon  the  internal  tranquillity  of  France,  and 
to  act  in  consequence — to  what  would  not  an  inter- 
ference, grounded  on  false  impressions,  expose  both 
themselves  and  France?     What,  in  this  case,  would 
be  the  place  of  the  fifth  ally,  the  king  of  France,  if 
these  terrors  were  to  be  renewed :  and  no  doubt  the 
authors  of  the  former  will  become  the  officious  pro- 
pagators of  many  others,  would  it  be  believed  there 
was  good  cause  of  interference :  would  they  come  to 
dictate  laws  to  a  great  people ;  to  propose  it  should  give 
or  should  suffer  a  second  representation  of  Poland? 
By  what  signs  would  the  necessity  for  this  interference 
be  recognised?  Would  they  expose  themselves  to  the 
hazard  of  fatiguing  a  people  already  quite  weary  of  so 
many  humiliations  and  sufferings,  strong  in  its  rights, 
its  numbers,  its  approved  courage,  and  in  the  great 
example  of  Poland  ?    The  geographical  map  does  not 
represent  France  so  commodiously  situated  for  parti- 
tions as  Poland  may  have  been :   she  would  present 
neither  a  Russian  nor  a  German  faction,  nor  great 
men  sold  to  Petersburgh  and  to  Berlin.     France,  like 


PREFACE.  Xy 

Poland,  would  not  have  to  expect  a  king  from  the 
capricious  hands  of  her  spoilers.  She  possesses 
princes  who  Avould  remember  that  their  ancestors 
thrice  expelled  strangers  from  the  soil  that  supported 
their  throne ;  and  on  this  occasion  would  no  longer 
listen  to  evacuation  of  temtory  merely  by  strokes  of 
the  pen.  France  has  a  right  to  despise  all  the  pictures 
of  her  position  which  fear,  or  fancy,  or  want  of  patri- 
otism may  dictate.  How  can  they  affect  her  interests  ? 
What  need  has  she  of  others?  and  to  whom  is  she  ac- 
countable ?  Is  she  not  still  the  most  prosperous  state 
of  Europe  ?  With  a  certain  revenue  of  seven  hundred 
millions,*  and  an  augmentation  in  the  product  of  thir- 
ty millions ;  with  a  free  territory ;  three  hundred  mil* 
lions  of  expenditure  diminished  (the  expense  of  occu- 
pation); her  fields  loaded  with  harvests;  an  exuberant 
population ;  an  industry  increasing  with  giant  strides ; 
a  commerce  free  to  spread  its  sails  towards  every  part 
of  the  universe ;  and,  in  the  midst  of  this  apparatus  of 
wealth,  and  as  if  to  give  it  greater  activity,  a  rigid 
observance  of  the  laws  on  the  part  of  all ;  citizens  liv- 
ing together  in  harmony ;  the  public  roads  without 
danger ;  justice  without  obstacle  in  the  execution  of 
its  decrees ;  taxes  paid  without  delay ; — in  such  a 
state,  what  has  France  to  fear  for  herself,  or  what  have 
others  to  fear  from  her?  What  is  there  to  fear  for  a 
throne  surrounded  by  an  army ;  supported  by  the  two 
branches  of  the  legislature ;  always  ready  to  put  in 
motion  all  the  forces  of  the  nation  to  sustain  this 
throne,  from  which  flow,  as  from  an  inexhaustible 
fountain,  and  gush  as  it  were,  all  the  advantages  of 

*  or  fiaaes 


XYl  PREFACE. 

honours  and  interests  to  which  all  the  citizens  aspire? 
Where  could  a  commotion  spring  up  in  a  country 
covered  by  the  agents  of  authority,  named  by  itself, 
and  responsible  to  itself  alone?  How  ridiculous  are 
the  terrors  raised  by  these  men  who  go  about  repre- 
senting France  as  impregnated  with  a  demagogue 
spirit,  because  in  some  places  names  stamped  by  pub- 
lic attention  have  been  nominated  anew;  as  if  this  re- 
sult of  the  struggle  of  parties  were  not  in  the  essence 
of  representative  government;  as  if  the  choice  of  a 
people  were  any  thing  else  than  the  expression  of 
their  well  being,  or  of  their  sufferings,  and  an  invo- 
cation to  guarantees ;  or  of  vengeance  for  severities 
endured;  as  if  the  candidates  were  not  enlightened 
men,  friends  of  their  country,  discreet  judges  of  their 
own  times,  which  by  all  their  influences  prescribe  to 
them  a  moderation,  the  germ  of  which  is  in  their 
hearts,  as  the  demonstration  of  its  necessity  is  in  their 
intelligence !  What  meant  these  men  who  went  about 
scattering  cries  of  alarm,  and  represented  democracy 
as  invading  France,  anew,  and  menacing  thrones,  be- 
cause they  had  been  disappointed  in  the  result  of  a 
few  assemblies?  But,  in  these  assemblies,  has  a  sin- 
gle word  been  uttered  against  the  throne,  against  the 
public  order,  against  any  citizen ;  has  any  one  seen 
Spafield  meetings,  as  in  England?  Have  Paris  and 
France  copied  these  foul  orgies,  whose  disgusting 
spectacle  changing  London  and  England  into  a  vast 
field  of  licence  has  scandalised  Europe,  and  justified 
Rousseau  in  saying  of  the  English  that  "  their  man- 
ner of  using  liberty,  during  the  few  instants  in  which 
they  exercised  it,  proved  them  little  worthy  of  it." 
'There  exist  no  troubles  and  disorders  except  in  the 


PREFACE.  XVU 

lieads  of  some  dark  or  ambitious  characters,  who 
create  these  phantoms  to  take  advantage  of  them  and 
cause  themselves  to  be  reputed  necessary. 

At  the  conchision  of  these  excesses  in  England, 
have  we  seen  any  proposition  for  suspending  popular 
elections,  or  for  changing  their  regulation?  i.\s  if  fewer 
than  a  hundred  thousand  citizens,  invited  to  exercise 
this  right  in  a  country  peopled  with  thirty  millions  of 
men,  did  not  resemble  a  strong  aristocracy,  rather 
than  a  democracy ;  as  if  this  limitation  were  not  the 
most  satisfactory  solution  of  the  problem  that  has 
always  agitated  societies — the  participation  of  public 
powers.     The   English  ministers,   when  the  storm 
bursts  forth,  like  experienced   pilots,   think  not  of 
weakening  or  cutting  loose  the  anchor  that  fastens  the 
vessel  to  the  shore,  but  they  strive  to  strengthen  the 
anchor  of  mercy,  the  constitution ;  they  ascend  to  its 
principles  instead  of  suspending  it.     In  France,  on 
the  contrary,  raw  sailors,  the  moment  the  surface  of 
the  waters  is  ruffled,  think  of  nothing  but  cutting  the 
cable;  abandoning  tlie  vessel  to  the  surges  which, 
coming  in  succession,  will  drift  it  and  dash  it  to  pieces. 
Fine  means  to  introduce  tranquillity  into  the  minds 
and  assemblies  of  a  people  to  deprive  it  of  its  rights  I 
"Will  the  foreigners  think  they  have  the  right  to  inter- 
fere, because  this  people  shall  resent  with  vivacity  the 
presumption  that  has  had  the  power  to  make  it  fear 
the  interruption  of  its  inheritance  by  the  suspension 
of  its  right  to  choose  its  representatives  in  uninter- 
rupted succession? 

We  can  never  be  enough  astonished  at  the  pre- 
sumptuous ignorance  that  could  have  inspired  a  simi- 
lar resolution.    Its  authors  were  doubtless  is:norant — 


XVm  PREFACE. 

but  France  knew,  that  the  renewal  of  representation.  ^ 
by  re-election  is  for  a  people  what  natural  inheritance 
is  for  the  prince  and  the  peers.  The  people  must  be 
represented ;  it  can  only  be  represented  by  election ; 
this  is  its  mode  of  inheritance ;  to  inteiTupt  it  is  to  de- 
stroy it  J  to  continue  it  without  the  people,  is  to  give 
it  a  life,  the  principle  of  which  is  not  in  itself;  to  sus- 
pend it,  is  to  create  a  chasm  in  an  existence,  the 
thread  of  which  drops  from  the  hand ;  to  dispose  of  it 
in  any  way,  is  to  thrust  usurpation  into  its  legitimacy ; 
each  branch  of  the  legislature  has  its  own,  indepen- 
dent of  that  of  others.  And  if  the  throne  or  the  peers 
should  arrogate  to  themselves  the  right  to  violate  the 
inheritance  of  the  people,  would  they  not  have  a  pa- 
rallel right  over  the  inheritance  of  the  two  other  par- 
ties ?  When  it  sliall  be  attempted  to  suspend  the  one, 
it  will  be  necessary  to  do  the  same  for  the  others. 
Similar  notions  can  have  no  existence  except  in  heads 
impregnated  with  the  inhuman  prejudices  that  na- 
tions, the  sources  of  all  rights,  live  on  the  contrary 
without  rights,  restricted  to  the  precarious  enjoyment 
of  those  which  have  been  condescendingly  conceded 
them.  These  men  ought,  before  they  form  these 
conspiracies,  to  persuade  themselves  intimately  of 
tliis  truth — that  in  human  societies  there  is  nothing 
substantial  but  nations  themselves ;  and  that  all  the 
rest  is  only  artificial ; — mere  combinations  adopted  by 
them  for  their  better  administration. 

The  reflections  suggested  by  such  thoughts  would 
lead  to  infinity.  France  has  furnished  against  her 
enemies, — for  such  speculators  are  nothing  less, — an 
answer  far  superior  to  any  that  could  be  added ;  this 
country,  so  near  to  troubles  and  commotions,  has- 


PREFACE.  XIX 

maintained  the  calmest  of  attitudes  during  tlie  sus- 
pension of  government,  while  its  fate  was  under  de- 
liberation, waiting  with  respect  and  silence  the  deci- 
sion of  him  to  whom  the  laws  have  resigned  the  right 
to  choose  the  agents  of  his  government.  Such  is  the 
force  of  public  reason,  enlightened  and  directed  by 
the  system  of  representative  government,  similar  to 
those  piles  destined  to  support,  in  the  bosom  of  the 
waters,  the  pressure  of  the  heaviest  structures,  which, 
while  their  liead  is  beaten  by  a  mass  of  iron,  raised 
by  a  thousand  arms,  seem  at  every  stroke  likely  to  be 
overthrown  or  dashed  to  pieces — and  which  do  but 
settle  more  deeply  in  the  earth;  the  representative 
government  will  be  confirmed  by  the  very  shocks 
which  may  be  aimed  at  its  destruction;  its  eternal 
roots  will  penetrate  to  the  very  centre  of  the  French 
soil,  which  has  remained  constitutional  and  monarchi- 
cal in  spite  of  all  that  could  be  said  or  attempted  to 
the  contrarj\  Thus  the  last  attempt  against  the  char- 
ter and  its  props  will  tend  to  its  confirmation  and  du- 
ration. Thus  during  the  session  of  the  constituent 
assembly,  each  essay  renewed  periodically,  every  six 
months,  against  it,  did  but  increase  its  power,  and 
recoiled  upon  its  enemies.  This  last  example  excites 
a  more  ardent  desire  that  France  may  see  the  end  of 
all  foreign  influence.  She  needs  all  her  liberty  to  per- 
fect her  institutions,  to  appear,  at  length,  what  she 
really  is.  She  respects  the  liberty  of  others ;  she  pre- 
tends to  no  influence  over  it ;  she  maintains  no  com- 
mittee among  them.  The  law  of  reciprocity  is  the 
first  of  laws  between  polished  societies ;  France  has 
a  clear  right  to  claim  it,  and  with  it,  as  its  comple- 
tion, the  entire  accomplishment  of  those  promises  and 


XX  PREFACE. 

of  that  happy  and  peaceful  futurity,  of  which  the 
Congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  has  inspired  the  hope ; 
and  which  can  only  result  from  the  most  entire  en- 
franchisement from  all  foreign  influence.  The  honour 
of  the  nation  demands  it;  and  since  Europe  asks  of 
her  repose,  and  expects  it  from  her,  it  is  wise  to  com- 
mence by  banishing  whatever  may  wound  her;  for 
nothing   is   more   certain   to   interdict   repose    than 
woimds ;  and  nothing  would  wound  her  more  than 
the  spectacle  or  even  the  suspicion  of  a  foreign  pre- 
tension to  influence  her  counsels.      Otium  cum  digni- 
tale — repose  and  dignity.    Such  are  the  aspirations  of 
France.     Dignity  cannot  be  found  without  the  most 
entire    independence.     Restricting  herself  to   that, 
France  cannot  fear  to  be  accused  of  ambition ;  in  cir- 
cumstances nearly  similar,    Louis  XIV.   repressed 
some  haughty  expressions  which  fell  from  the  minis- 
ter of  a  power  that  had  acquired  great  advantages  in 
the  war  of  the  Spanish  succession,  by  saying  to  him, 
Mr.  Ambassador,  I  have  always  been  the  master  at 
home;  do  not  force  me  to  recollect  that  I  have  been 
such  sometimes  amongst  others. 


EUROPE 

AFTER  THE 

CONGRESS  OF  AIX-LA-CHAPELLE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Conduct  of  Europe  with  respect  to  France^  from 
1813  to  1818. 

The  Congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  may  be  consi- 
dered as  the  completion  of  the  general  acts  in  which 
the  states  of  Europe  have  participated  with  respect  to 
France,  since  the  coalition  of  1813.  It  will  also  be 
their  last  general  act  relative  to  the  domination  exer- 
cised by  Napoleon  over  Europe  and  over  France. 
Against  him  was  formed  the  coalition  of  1815;  and 
against  him,  also,  in  stricter  union,  its  energies  were 
directed  in  1815.  In  1813  it  only  aspired  to  restrain 
the  power  which  menaced  it ;  in  1814,  it  resolved  to 
free  itself  from  its  weight;  in  1815,  its  object  was  en- 
larged ;  it  laboured  at  the  same  time  to  efface  the  last 
traces  of  this  power ;  to  render  its  return  impossible ; 
and  to  shelter  itself  from  new  eruptions  on  the  part  of 
France.  Such  were  the  three  objects  of  the  action 
of  the  coalition  at  this  time;  they  were  distinctly 
perceived. 


Too  confident,  perhaps,  in  1814,Europe  was,  in  1815, 
too  distrustful ;  at  which  epoch,  she  imposed  on  France 
the  penalty  of  the  two-fold  imprudence  committed  by 
herself  in  1814.  1.  That  of  abandoning  the  direction 
of  her  own  work  to  hands  that  could  only  mar  it,  and 
endanger  themselves.  2.  That  of  leaving  at  the  gates 
of  France,  in  view  of  his  ancient  legions,  him,  who 
could  not  fail  to  act  upon  them  by  great  recollections, 
and  to  which  he  was  invited  by  great  interests.  In 
expiation  of  this  fault,  Europe  should  have  taken  on 
herself  half  of  the  contribution  she  has  imposed  on 
France.  She  had  the  imprudence  neither  to  remove 
nor  to  guard  the  enemy.  Hence  all  the  mischief  has 
arisen.  It  was  evident  that  the  Island  of  Elba  could 
be  nothing  but  a  watch-tower  against  the  Thuilleries ; 
but  a  magazine  of  intrigues  against  the  new  order  of 
France ;  and  that  an  interchange  of  wishes  and  hopes 
would  soon  be  established  between  this  island  and 
France. 

At  this  day,  when  all  is  calm,  and  the  event  has 
spoken,  such  an  aberration  appears  inconceivable  on 
the  part  of  statesmen,  who  had  shewn  themselves  for 
some  years  more  discreet.  These  are  faults  such  as 
decide  at  once  the  fate  of  men  and  that  of  empires. 
But  the  allies  never  well  understood  the  strength  or 
the  weakness  of  Napoleon.  In  1813,  at  Prague,  they 
offered  him  more  than  his  position  exacted.  In  De- 
cember of  the  same  year,  at  the  moment  of  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Rhine,  they  proposed  to  leave  him  Bel- 
guim  and  all  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine ;  and  thus  paid 
a  new  homage  of  terror  to  a  power  which  already  ex- 
isted no  more ;  for  it  was  at  forty  leagues  only  from 
Paris  that  they  met  the  first  battalions  of  Napoleon, 


in  the  midst  of  a  people  rather  a  spectator  than  actor 
in  this  contest.  At  Chatillon  in  1814,  they  pressed 
to  retain  the  throne  of  ancient  France  him  whom 
France  permitted  to  fall  from  it ;  because  by  means  of 
having  raised  himself  above,  he  at  last  found  himself 
separated  from  her;  and  fixing  his  attention  on  the 
world  entire,  it  was  only  by  chance,  and  at  intervals 
that  his  eyes  were  turned  towards  her.  The  allies, 
in  1814  knew  not  distincdy  why  they  confided  in 
France;  it  was  a  wrong  confidence :  in  1815,  they 
knew  as  little  why  they  doubted  her ;  it  was  a  wrong 
distrust;  they  had  equally  misplaced  the  elements  of 
each;  they  beheld  in  1815  the  causes  of  distrust  they 
ought  to  have  perceived  in  1814 :  and  they  did  not  see 
in  1815  the  motives  of  security  which  they  very  erro- 
neously believed  they  recognised  in  1814 :  they  should 
have  trusted  in  1815,  and  distrusted  in  1814;  for  then 
all  the  elements  of  this  distrust  existed  and  were  seen 
everywhere;  whereas  in  1815,  after  the  explosion, 
they  were  dissipated.  Europe  has  set  herself  to 
guard  the  powder  magazine  after  having  left  it  to 
explode  by  her  negligence.  Hard  fate  of  nations,  to 
be  compelled  by  turns  to  pay  for  the  excesses  and 
faults  of  memory  of  those  who  direct  them.  The 
absence  of  all  precaution  when  all  the  train  of  means, 
result  and  support  of  Napoleon's  power,  was  still  on 
foot,  was  still  seen  embodied;  and  this  excess  of 
precautions  when  this  formidable  mass  had  been 
crushed  in  pieces;  when  the  most  menacing  centre  of 
this  power  strewed  the  fields  of  Waterloo ;  when  the 
chief  and  the  most  prominent  among  his  followers, 
were  flying  or  dispersed,  or  in  fine  reduced  to  their 
individualitv;  all  this  contrast  of  actions  with  the  real 


state  of  things  presented  the  most  deplorable  contra- 
diction between  what  was  done  and  what  the  position 
indicated;  and  proved  that  then,  as  well  as  the  pre- 
ceding year,  and  throughout  the  course  of  the  revolu- 
tion, the  physicians  had  not  well  consulted  the  pulse 
of  their  patient,  and  that  the  forces  of  the  coalition 
were  more  easily  drawn  together  than  their  ideas  had 
been  enlightened.  One  of  the  most  illustrious  com- 
manders of  their  armies  said  in  1814,  that  they  had 
never  imagined  the  catastrophe  of  Napoleon  so  easy; 
as  it  entered  into  the  calculations  of  the  coalition  that 
it  would  require  three  years  more  to  overthrow  him ; 
a  certain  argument  that  the  principle  of  his  weakness 
like  that  of  his  force  had  been  equally  mistaken  by 
his  enemies :  they  combated  against  him  with  a  sur- 
viving sentiment  of  the  fear  he  had  so  long  excited. 
So  true  it  is  that  what  is  feared  once  is  feared  always. 
The  coalition  believed  the  fortune  of  Napoleon  at- 
tached to  anchors,  long  since  worn  out,  and  he  who 
was  unable  to  escape  the  ^vord  of  his  enemies,  had 
escaped  the  penetration  of  their  sagacity.  The  treaty 
of  Paris  of  1814,  had  restricted  the  demands  of 
Europe  with  respect  to  France,  to  her  reduction  with- 
in her  ancient  limits.  Her  monuments,  her  treasures, 
her  moveables  as  her  territory,  her  independence  as 
her  glory,  had  been  respected.  In  the  language  of 
conquerors  are  ambiguities  whose  interpretation  force 
reserves  to  itself:  and  generosity  without  duplicity 
forms  not  the  vocabulary  of  victory.  In  1815  France 
was  therefore  doomed  to  defray  the  war  declared 
and  made  against  Napoleon  alone ;  there  was  again  a 
treaty  of  Paris;  treaties  signed  in  the  capitals  of  the 
vanquished  bode  them  no  good,  and  France  will  do 
well  henceforth  to  avoid  treaties  of  Paris. 


The  moderation  of  1814  gave  place  to  severe  ex- 
actions ;  the  soldiers  of  Waterloo  must  lend  their  aid 
in  the  spoliations  of  the  museum  ;*  Barbarians  were 
heard  to  howl  around  the  trophies  of  France,  the 
ornaments  of  her  capital ;  and  they  challenged  from 
bronze  the  glorious  emblems  which  could  not  be 
wrested  from  history :  they  left  mutilated  triumphal 
arches  under  the  eyes  of  a  people  who  sought  in  them 
its  titles  of  glory  with  an  eagerness  equal  to  that  which 
had  been  employed  in  effacing  them:  these  vacant 
accusers  spoke  to  the  eyes  of  the  French  as  did  the 
absence  of  the  statues  of  Brutus  and  Cassius  to  those 
©f  the  Romans. 

At  last  the  torrent  of  Europe  retired  from  the  soil 
of  France,  loaded  as  after  storms,  with  the  fat  of  the 
fields;  recommending  their  diligent  culture  to  the 
inhabitants,  and  reserving  to  herself  a  share  of  their 
fruits.  Many  went  out  of  France  as  from  an  auction 
to  which  they  had  come  to  redeem  their  furniture. 
Once  masters,  they  gave  to  the  war  the  direction  they 
pleased;  and  Bluchers  were  still  more  easy  to  van- 
quish than  to  refute.f 

The  second  treaty  of  Paris  left  France  loaded  with 
an  immense  foreign  debt :  and  as  if  it  were  not  enough 
to  overwhelm  her  with  the  expenses  of  the  war,  to 
these  were  added  the  expense  of  fears  she  was  no 
longer  in  a  position  to  justify.  For  upon  a  near 
survey  it  was  evident,  that  neither  in  her  external 
political,  nor  in  her  internal  order,  did  she  longer 

•  Justus  Grunner,  a  modem  interpreter  of  the  Apocalypse,  who  <li3covered 
in  this  part  of  the  New  Testament,  denunciations  appVicable  to  France,  and 
the  city  of  Paris! 

"{■  General  Blucher  was  made  prisoner  at  Lubec,  in  1807 ;  he  was  defeated 
at  the  battle  of  Fleurus  or  of  Ligny,  16  June,  1815,  which  he  acknowledges 
in  his  own  relation ;  and  the  danger  he  twice  incurred  of  being  made  prisonei-, 

D 


present  any  danger  to  the  peace  of  Europe,  or  to  her 
own  tranquillity :  but  the  expenses  of  her  presumed 
convalescence  were  taxed  at  a  price  as  high  as  those 
of  the  disease  itself.  Seven  hundred  and  fifty  mil- 
lions for  the  charge  of  the  war,  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  millions  for  the  expense  of  occupation,  with 
five  hundred  millions,  consumed  or  destroyed 
from  the  first  of  March  1815  to  the  first  of  January, 
1816,  form  the  balance  of  this  fatal  epoch;  a  cruel 
lesson  both  for  those  who  come  to  govern  a  country 
against  the  sense  of  whatever  they  find  in  it ;  and  for 
those  who,  too  prompt  to  be  led  away  by  deception, 
irritation  and  egotism,  heed  not  the  precipices  which 
open  behind  them  as  much  for  themselves  as  for 
others ;  for  the  abyss  was  excavated  by  hands  equally 
inexpert,  rash,  or  interested.  The  half  of  the  defen- 
sive circumvallation  of  France,  must  be  given  up  as 
an  observatory  from  which  she  might  be  guarded. 
The  principal  seat  of  this  guard  varied  according  to 
the  seasons ;  in  summer  it  was  stationed  at  the  dis- 
tance of  forty  leagues  from  Paris ;  for  the  winter  in 
the  centre  of  the  capital.  Even  some  part  of  the 
territory  was  ceded  to  increase  the  security  of  a  trou- 
blesome neighbour  given  by  the  congress  of  Vienna;* 
the  thorns  of  vvhich  then  began  to  be  felt.  The 
kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  needed  a  direct  route  to 
some  parts  of  its  possessions:  France  must  again 
furnish  it  by  the  cession  of  Philippeville  and  Marien- 
burgh,  destined  to  bind  together  all  the  parts  of  the 
new  state. 

Huninguen  paid,  by  its  destruction,  for  the  broken 
slumbers  of  the  inhabitants  of  Basle ;  for  there  exist- 

*  Sarrelouis  and  some  parts  between  the  Saipbre  and  Meuse. 


e<l  no  military  reason  or  political  fact  to  furnish  a  mo- 
tive for  this  ruin;  and  the  dismantling  of  Landau 
opened  Alsace,  while  it  secured  Germany.  Assured- 
ly, on  this  one  occasion,  they  had  no  cause  to  reproach 
themselves  with  having  forgotten  either  their  coffers 
or  their  securities;  and  France  paid  usurious  interests, 
in  the  distractions  of  1814,  and  the  explosion  of  1815, 
for  a  generosity  of  six  months.  It  would  be  super- 
fluous, at  this  hour,  to  examine  the  principle  of  right 
for  these  exactions ;  perhaps,  in  the  discussion,  we 
should  arrive  at  a  result  quite  different  from  what  has 
been  alleged  on  either  hand.  France  was  placed  in 
the  worst  of  all  possible  situations  for  discussion ;  the 
head- quarters  of  the  strangers  contiguous  to  the  bar- 
riers of  the  Louvre ;  the  state  divided  ;  a  part  of  the 
citizens  thinking  the  rigours  exercised  against  the 
other  part  always  too  mild ;  never  content  with  the 
shame  and  disgrace  stamped  on  their  country  till  their 
thirst  for  domination  and  revenge  was  allayed ;  they 
contested  nothing  with  those  who  procured  them  these 
gratifications ;  the  dispositions  of  this  party  could  only 
appear  in  the  eyes  of  the  stranger  as  an  encourage- 
ment and  an  apology;  provoker  of  the  violence  of  the 
stranger,  auxiliary  of  his  rigours,  admirer  of  his  se- 
verities, contemner  of  the  national  glory,  the  depre- 
ciator  of  the  qualities  and  the  talents  which  had 
blazed  forth  in  France;  this  party,  the  same  that  for 
five-and-twenty  years  had  not  ceased  to  demand 
France  by  the  sword  of  her  enemies,  at  this  mo- 
ment would  sooner  have  traced  for  them  the  route  of 
rigours  than  have  laboured  to  divert  them  from  it. 
The  strangers  might  have  considered  themselves  less 
bound  to  respect  a  country  on  seeing  so  many  of  those 


8* 

who  appeared  at  its  head  more  forward  than  them'* 
selves  in  resentments  and  animosities. 

At  that  period,  contrary  to  the  usual  order,  France 
could  not  be  sustained  by  her  own  government ;  it 
was  no  longer  there  her  strength  lay.     Twice  reinn 
stated  by  the  foreign  powers,  the  price  of  service  im- 
plored and  accepted  being  neither  defined  nor  regu- 
lated between  the  nation  and  the  foreigner,  between 
the  alliance  and  the  enmity,  between  the  restoration 
and  spoliation  commenced;  having  no  other  force 
than  that  same  from  whence  came  the  exactions ;  si- 
tuated far  more  unfavourably  than  in  1814,  fearing  to 
aggravate  the  sufferings  it  witnessed,  of  which  also, 
it  might  fear  being  pronounced  the  author ;  admitted 
to  sign  what  it  had  been  useless  to  discuss,  and  what 
it  wanted  power  to  refuse ;  there  remained  for  it  but 
one  mode  of  serving  France,  to  give  the  precept  of 
resignation  and  its  own  example.     For  such  was  the 
strange  constraint  of  its  position ;  nor  was  it  for  what 
it  then  did  that  it  had  cause  of  regret,  but  for  what  it 
had  done  at  an  earlier  period,  and  which  had  been  the 
prelude  to  these  cruel  circumstances.     For  whoever 
attended  to  what  passed  in  1814,  must  have  foreseen 
the  events  of  1815. 

Thus  was  regulated  the  fate  of  France.  She  re- 
mained under  the  custody  of  Europe.  It  is  the  first 
example  presented  in  the  history  of  Europe  of  a  simi 
lar  measure,  embraced  with  regard  to  any  state  what- 
ever, and  executed  by  common  consent.  A  quaran- 
tine of  five  years  was  imposed  on  her  to  give  time  for 
the  miasmata  called  revolutionary  to  dissipate  and  be 
replaced  by  a  purer  element.  The  government  of 
France  was  put  to  the  test;  it  was  desired  to  have 


tlie  assurance  of  time  for  the  solidity-  of  its  march  and 
the  regularity  of  its  movements ;  the  reins  were  re- 
stored, but  they  still  held  the  leading  strings.     If  the 
tenth  part  of  these  precautions  had  been  taken  in 
1814,  none  of  them  would  have  been  needed  in  1815. 
In  this  cruel  situation,  France  has  discovered  two 
great  forces — that  of  character,  and  that  of  modera- 
tion.   She  has  endured  and  paid  all,  without  murmur 
and  without  delay ;  and  as  paying  is  all,  for  nations  as 
well  as  individuals;  as  the  discharge  of  debts  is  com- 
parative wealth,  and  the  exercise  of  good  faith  is  the 
key  to  treasure  ;  prosperity  has  returned  with  her  sis- 
ter punctuality,  and  we  have  seen  the  price  of  deli- 
verance, the  subscriptions  for  which  commenced  at 
fifty-five,  completed  at  eighty.  So  true  it  is,  that  bur- 
dens are  the  exclusive  portion  of  bad  faith,  and  that 
good  renders  them  all  supportable.  But  as  prosperity 
is  a  plant,  all  whose  branches  are  interwoven;  as  all 
public  prosperity  has  its  origin  uniformly  in  the  mea- 
sures of  government ;  to  the  system  embraced  by  the 
administration  must  be  attributed  especially  the  heal- 
thy condition  of  France,  and  the  effects  it  has  pro- 
duced. 

On  the  5th  of  September  ^'as  prepared  the  deliver- 
ance recently  effected.  It  is  essential  not  to  mistake 
it;  the  fifth  ©f  September  lias  introduced  the  result 
of  the  congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle.  By  the  afflicting 
treaty  of  Paris,  the  allies  liad  reserved  to  themselves 
the  discretion  of  pronouncirg  upon  the  state  of  France, 
and  to  regulate  by  it  the  duration  of  the  measures  of 
precaution  it  might  require. 

Assuredly  had  France  continued  abandoned  to  the 
pernicious  gales  that  have  blown  upon  her  for  many 


10 

years,  the  catastrophes  which  this  fatal  direction  could 
not  fail  to  produce  in  the  interior  would  have  intro- 
duced others  from  without.  The  agitations — what  do 
I  say?  the  convulsions  of  the  interior  would  have  pro- 
voked new  severities  from  the  hands  of  the  foreigner. 
Men  were  not  wanting,  it  is  natural  to  suppose,  who 
ardently  wished  it,  and  who  would  have  returned  with 
joy  towards  pleasures  which  had  appeared  too  short 
in  proportion  as  their  relish  had  been  exquisite  and 
their  price  inconsiderable.     Pretexts  would  not  have 
been  wanting.     But  whilst  on  the  one  hand  we  were 
hastening  with  press  of  sail  to  perdition ;  on  the  other, 
the  good  genius  of  France,  too  long  absent,  approach- 
ed her,  and  with  his  tutelary  hand,  dispersing  the 
agents  of  darkness  and  of  discord,  replacing  power 
in  its  true  direction,   rallying  the  scattered   forces 
around  a  common  centre,  he  restored  a  respect  for 
authority ;  he  removed  the  obstacles  that  had  opposed 
it;  he  revived  hope,  confidence,  and  prosperity ;  and 
presenting  France  to  Europe,  disengaged  from  what- 
ever might  have  obscured  her,  solicited  in  her  behalf 
the  termination  of  rigows  become  useless,  shades  of 
terrors  without  foundatbn,  and  causes  of  irritation, 
grounded  on  their  inutility.     Honoured  be,  therefore, 
the  5th  of  September,  th^  restoration  of  restorations ; 
honour  to  the  hands  whidi  have  given  it,  which  will 
consolidate  it,  and  cause  it  to  triumph  over  all  the  de- 
signs of  malevolence.     Let  him  who  can  endure  the 
thought,  imagine  the  futurity  which  its  absence  or  its 
despair  would  have  produced. 

Seeing  the  alacrity  with  which  France  has  march- 
ed in  its  ways,  all  can  judge  if  it  was  agreeable  to  her 
sense,  and  if  it  was  on  tliis  occasion  she  felt  herself 


11 

France  again.  But  for  the  5th  of  September,  the  ex- 
cellent citizens  who  in  their  secret  notes  so  patrioti- 
cally implored  the  prolongation  of  tlie  stay  of  stran- 
gers on  the  land  they  were  inclined  to  dispose  of, 
would  not  have  had  need  to  recur  to  this  generous 
and  loyal  step ;  for  it  had  been  long  before  any  ques- 
tion of  evacuating  it.  At  length  the  hour  is  arrived, 
and  the  congress,  assembled  acccrding  to  the  terms 
of  the  treaty  of  Paris,  has  pronounced  it  without 
hesitation  as  without  division. 

Here  tvvo  things  should  be  noticed.  The  evil  was 
done;  it  dates  from  1815,  a  time  of  distraction  and  of 
anger ;  but  an  evil,  decreed  in  principle,  may  be  miti- 
gated in  the  execution,  when  time  has  dissipated  the 
first  motives  of  irritation,  and  brought  back  days  of 
moderation  and  sentiments  due  1o  misfortune.  An 
unnecessary  evil  of  prodigious  extent  had  just  been 
inflicted  on  France ;  it  might  rise  to  degrees  equally 
exceeding  the  intentions  of  those  Avho  imposed  the 
burden,  as  the  faculties  of  those  who  had  to  support 
it.  Thus  pretensions,  to  the  charge  of  France,  have 
been  seen  to  swell  to  the  sum  of  sixteen  hundred  mil- 
lions. It  had  been  as  well  to  demand  the  surrender 
of  half  her  blood,  on  the  alternative  of  defending  it; 
and,  perhaps,  she  would  have  sold  it  deaily.  I'rom 
the  moment  permission  was  given  to  prefer  demands 
against  her,  there  was  no  longer  any  limit  to  demands. 
Worms  from  a  thousand  tombs  were  seen  crawling 
to  devour  her.*  But  neither  was  it  the  ruin  of  France, 


•  Rills  drawn  by  Henry  IV.  were  produced  ;  those  of  the  Reiters  and 
Lansquenets  were  expected.  Perhaps  there  was  no  necessity  for  despairing 
to  see  some  bills  of  St.  Lewis  and  Philip  Augustus,  for  the  transportation  and 
supplies  of  the  crusaders  in  the  Holy  Land. 


12 

nor  the  triumph  of  cupidity,  that  the  princes  desired, 
whom  unfortunate  circumstances  had  forced  to  impose 
on  her  hard  conditions.  It  is  known  that  many  among 
them  had  never  thought  of  spoils.  By  them  also  the 
voices  of  such  as  thirsted  for  extortions,  were  con- 
trouled ;  and  the  tributes  were  balanced  by  the  faculty 
of  acquitting  them.  The  chief  of  the  European  ar- 
mament displayed  an  honourable  zeal  against  greedy 
exaggerations.  In/ested  with  the  powers  of  the  most 
flattering  arbiti-aticn  possible  to  be  granted  to  a  mere 
individual,  he  appeared  to  lean  towards  the  weakest 
and  the  most  unfortunate.  The  congress  relaxed 
something  of  the  rights  already  acquired  by  treaties ; 
and  not  to  have  delayed  its  decision,  is,  in  some  de- 
gree, to  have  enhanced  its  benefits.  In  this  part, 
therefore,  all  is  consummated,  and  of  the  year  1815, 
there  remains  only  inscriptions  on  the  register  of  pub- 
lic debt,  disagreeable  pages  in  history,  and  sad  re- 
collections in  the  memory. 

Here  two  things  are  to  be  noted :  1.  The  various 
speculations  to  which  the  congress  had  given  occa- 
sion. The  convention  of  the  principal  sovereigns  of 
Europe  is  an  event  calculated  to  suggest  a  host  of 
conjectures  ;  it  is  natural  to  attach  the  highest  impor- 
tance to  the  excursions  of  personages  of  this  rank. 
Even  the  errors  of  the  imagination  find  their  source 
and  their  excuse  ir\  the  greatness  of  those  who  are  the 
objects  of  them ;  but  here  nothing  favours  such  vague 
suppositions.  The  subject  in  agitation  was  not  a  new 
and  inceptive  action,  but  the  anticipated  conclusion  of 
an  action  already  ancient;  but  the  accomplishment  of 
an  order  arranged  on  principles  steadily  pursued  for  a 
course  of  several  years.     From  1813  to  the  close  of 


1815,  the  allied  sovereigns  have  never  separated. 
They  saw  distinctly,  that  in  their  approach  consisted 
their  strength,  as  their  past  separation  had  caused 
their  weakness.  In  tlie  rapid  change  that  daily  oc- 
curs in  tlie  face  of  affairs,  how  arrive  at  directing  them 
according  to  the  exigencies  created  by  this  very  mo- 
bility; when,  at  every  moment,  it  is  requisite  to  go  to 
a  distance  to  take  and  to  give  counsel ;  to  send  or- 
ders; to  redress  wrongs ;  and  provide  for  a  futurity 
rendered  more  obscure  by  the  distance  of  the  theatre 
of  events  ?  Therein  is  found  the  principle  of  the  in- 
feriority of  Europe  with  regard  to  France,  during  the 
whole  course  of  the  revolution.  All  assumed  a  dif- 
ferent appearance,  when  Europe  assembled;  when 
there  was  no  longer  but  one  tent  and  one  council- 
chamber  for  all  the  enemies  of  Napoleon.  In  this 
permanent  convention  was  forged  the  spear  that 
pierced  him,  the  force  of  which  he  ought  to  have 
foreseen ;  he  perished  because  he  was  blind  to  the 
results  of  this  new  species  of  opposition ;  he  continued 
in  renovated  Europe,  to  see  only  ancient  Europe. 

What  had  become  of  the  coalition,  if,  instead  of 
finding  it  assembled  at  Vienna,  the  descent  at  Cannes 
had  surprised  them  dispersed,  at  London,  Vienna, 
Petersburgh,  and  Berlin  ?  Perhaps  the  contest  would 
continue  still;  or,  at  least,  it  must  have  continued 
longer. 

The  advantages  experienced  from  anterior  conven- 
tions were  therefore  the  pledges  of  a  new  congress ; 
and  this,  authorised  by  an  express  stipulation,  did  not, 
in  the  least,  countenance  the  supposition  of  the  intro- 
duction of  any  affair  foreign  to  this  congress ;  no  im- 
portant event,  foreign  to  its  known  object,  had  taken 

£ 


14 

place  in  Europe;  every  expectation,  therefore,  wide 
of  the  declared  object,  Avas  not  within  the  limits  of 
legitimate  calculation  upon  this  assembly.  If  a  sin- 
gle question,  passing  the  determinate  object,  were 
admitted,  why  not  two?  why  not  three?  and  then, 
where  was  the  term?  The  treaty  of  Westphalia  might 
have  been  seen  to  commence  anew.  Some  consider- 
ed the  congress  as  the  sequel  to  that  of  Vienna;  this 
was  a  great  mistake;  it  was  but  the  sequel  to  the 
treaty  of  Paris.  The  two  conventions  were  acts  ab- 
solutely independent  of  each  other.  Others  summon- 
ed Spain  and  South  America  to  appear  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle ;  this  was  quite  another  aftair ;  Spain  had 
no  more  to  ask;  especially  than  to  see  America  con- 
demned for  contumacy.  It  will  some  day  become 
necessary  to  meet  this  great  question  of  America ; 
nor  will  it  always  be  possible  to  avoid  it;  but  assu- 
redly, it  was  not  the  hour  of  this  congress,  which 
could  be  that  of  America. 

The  congress  has  had  but  one  ohjj^-t,  to  pronounce 
on  the  expediency  of  the  evacuation  of  France;  it  has 
had  but  one  session^  that  in  xvhich  it  has  been  pro- 
nounced. 

2.  A  long  habit  of  Machiavelism,  of  abuse  of 
force,  of  unworthy  or  vile  pretexts  to  colour  violations 
of  faith,  have  extinguished,  in  the  minds  of  a  great 
number,  all  confidence  in  political  good  faith,  or  the 
sincerity  of  treaties ;  and  have  disposed  them  to  dis- 
trusts and  suspicions,  justified,  unfortunately,  by  too 
many  anterior  facts.  That  which  is  good  to  take,  is 
also  good  to  keep :  think  you  pretexts  will  be  wanting 
to  retain  what  they  have  in  possession?  Such  is  the 
language  which  has  incessantly  been  sounded  in  our 


15 

ears,  for  some  years  past ;  perhaps  by  those  who, 
when  it  was  their  turn,  gave  occasion  for  those,  to 
whom  they  thus  apphed  it,  to  apply  it  to  themseh'es. 
Meanwhile,  numerous  motives  were  perceived 
tending  to  remove  this  apprehension,  so  disgraceful 
to  the  intellect  and  the  heart.  Good  faith,  it  should 
be  hoped,  has  not  made  this  eternal  retreat  from  the 
earth  which  the  poet  paints,  when  he  says, 

Extrema  per  illos 
Justida  excedens  terris  vestigia  fixit. 

The  mimber  of  Princes  who  must  have  concurred 
to  violate  their  sworn  faith,  the  diversity  of  their  in- 
terests, and  more  than  all,  the  consideration  of  their 
personal  character,  presented  the  most  encouraging 
guarantees. 

In  this  point,  the  evil  has  a  remote  origin;  and 
those,  who  in  hatred  of  the  revolution,  represent  it  as 
the  school  of  these  fallacious  dispositions,  ought 
justly  to  look  higher;  they  will  discover  the  true 
causes  of  it  in  the  perfidies  sown,  throughout  the 
course  of  the  negotiations  of  tlie  cabinets  of  Vienna 
and  of  Berlin,  by  Frederic  and  the  prince  de  Kaunitz. 
Silesia  had  vitiated  the  Austiian  and  Prussian  diplo- 
macy. The  partition  of  Poland;  the  invasion  of 
Bavaria,  by  the  emperor  Joseph ;  of  Holland  by  the 
duke  of  Brunswick  in  1787;  the  war  against  the 
Turks  by  Catharine  and  Joseph,  had  entirely  despoil- 
ed diplomacy  of  its  lustre  before  the  revolution; 
England  had  invaded  Canada,  and  captured  from 
France  three  hundred  merchant  ships  before  the 
declaration  of  the  war  of  1756. — TVhat  would  become 
of  England  if  she  were  always  just  towards  France? 
was  the  answer  of  the  English  minister. 


16 

The  school  was  perverted :  all  diplomatic  acts,  isi 
the  minds  of  too  many,  presented  this  art  as  composed 
only  of  ambuscades ;  as  a  career  in  which  to  prevail 
was  all :  over  which  there  presided  one  only  divinity, 
and  one  only  expiation  was  received — success. 
There  has  been  ample  time  to  experience  the  effects 
of  these  detestable  principles. 

At  present,  when  all  is  changed  in  so  many  other 
respects,  all,  also,  ought  to  be  changed  in  this.  No 
examples  but  those  of  rectitude  ought  any  longer,  to 
be  exhibited  to  men :  all  should  remain  convinced, 
that  whoever  begins  to  despise  restraints,  infallibly 
releases  others  from  a  multitude  of  ties.  Good  faith 
in  diplomacy,  and  confidence  in  diplomacy  are  two 
things  to  be  created  anew  in  Europe.  As  the 
wounds  are  ancient  and  deep  much  time  will  be 
required  to  cicatrize  them :  it  will  take  time  for  diplo- 
macy to  recover  an  honourable  place  in  the  esteem 
of  men. 

The  fidelity  to  engagements  contracted  at  Paris, 
observed  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  lays  the  first  stone  in 
the  reconstruction  of  the  edifice.  If  the  liberation  of 
France  had  been  adjourned,  the  credit  of  diplomacy 
would  have  been  irretrievably  ruined ;  it  was  its  last 
shoal:  whereas,  a  loyal  and  prompt  execution, 
emanating  from  what,  by  its  power,  has  no  account 
to  render  but  to  morality  and  itself,  forms  the  exam- 
ple; and  closes  the  lips  of  peevish  or  interested 
malevolence.  Europe  had  promised;  she  had  ful- 
filled her  engagements;  she  had  all  power;  force 
therefore  can  acknowledge  and  impose  laws  on  itself: 
can  be  moral ;  we  may  therefore  confide ;  diplomac} 
and  probity  may  then  terminate  their  long  divorce : 


17 

at  tliis  new  spectacle  it  might  be  felt  that  a  purer  air 
was  breathed;  and  the  clouds  seemed  to  disperse  in 
the  horizon,  opening  a  serener  sky. 

The  act  which  presents  the  commencement  of  this 
moral  reformation  is,  for  that  very  cause,  the  princi- 
ple of  a  most  important  good ;  no  less  than  that  of 
reconciling  men  to  good  faith :  and  for  my  own  part, 
if  the  expectation  which,  after  the  5th  of  September, 
I  did  not  hesitate  to  form,  respecting  the  result  of  the 
Congress,  had  been  disappointed,  I  felt  that  I  should 
have  been  less  afflicted  for  France  than  for  Europe 
herself. 

The  drama  of  1815  is  then  entirely  concluded-. 
Let  us  next  see  what  is  about  to  follow. 

To  explain  this,  it  is  requisite  to  state : 

1.  WTiat  is  the  political  state  of  Europe  at  the 
existing  epoch,  which  may  be  considered  as  the 
conclusion  of  the  order  introduced  by  the  revolution. 

2.  To  compare  the  order  of  the  present  time  with 
that  by  which  it  has  been  preceded. 

3.  To  indicate  the  tendency  of  the  spirit  of  the 
present  policy  of  Europe. 

4.  To  designate  the  moral  dispositions  of  the 
different  nations  of  Europe. 

5.  To  anticipate  the  questions  of  general  interest 
that  may  be  expected  to  arise. 

The  Congress  of  Vienna  is  to  the  policy  of  the 
revolution,  what  the  treaty  of  Westphalia  was  to  that 
of  the  reformation.  The  latter  gave  regularit)-  to  all 
that  had  been  done  in  this  long  period  of  perturba- 
tions :  it  became  a  new  era  for  individuals,  as  well  as 
for  states:  during  near  two  hundred  years,  in  vast 
countries,  all  Avas  dated  from  it. 


18 

Great  commotions  involve  great  changes;  and 
strong  stipulations  founded  on  broad  bases,  at- 
tached to  solid  anchors,  can  alone  prevent  the  past 
from  returning  to  the  charge  to  dispossess  the  present, 
and  thus  render  peace  impossible.  Now  peace  is 
the  first  good;  and  for  its  maintenance,  policy  grants 
these  grand  social  amnesties,  which  are  admissions 
of  the  impotence  of  justice;  the  latter,  in  her  despair, 
without  changing  her  aim  changes  her  object;  direct- 
ing her  entire  solicitude  to  the  body  itself  of  society ; 
the  health  of  which  then  serves  to  compensate  the 
losses  its  members  may  have  experienced. 

It  is  with  this  view  to  social  preservation  that  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  has  sanctioned  the  work  of  the 
^evolution ;  and  accepted  its  succession. 

It  is  the  treaty  of  Westphalia  of  our  age ;  it  is  the 
new  normal  era  of  Europe.  During  a  long  time 
diplomacy  will  have  few  other  important  cares  be- 
sides those  of  explaining  and  maintaining  it. 


19 


CHAPTER  II. 

Gcfiej'al  Observatio22s. — General  Political  Order  of 
Europe. 

It  is  requisite  to  separate  the  continental  power  of 
Europe  into  two  grand  divisions,  that  of  the  north  and 
that  of  the  south.  We  must  distinguish  those  powers 
Avhich  contribute  to  the  maintenance  of  the  general 
order,  from  those  who  contribute  nothing  to  its  sup- 
port, and  do,  as  it  were,  but  march  in  the  train  of  the 
former.  In  this  order  of  powers  there  are  some  ac- 
tive, others  inactive,  and  merely  passive.  The  policy 
of  Europe  is  transacted  exclusively  in  the  North  and 
in  Germany.  It  does  not  pass  beyond  the  Alps  and 
the  Pyrenees;  whatever  is  found  within  these  two 
zones,  is  neither  in  position  nor  proportion,  to  influ- 
ence it.  This  direction  tends  to  become  permanent 
in  consequence  of  the  events  of  1813,  1814,  and  1815. 
The  supremacy  of  Russia  is  one  of  the  principal 
causes  of  this  new  location  of  policy.  It  is  natural 
it  should  approach  tlie  most  powerful  state ;  lately,  it 
^vas  the  same  with  respect  to  France  when  she  was 
the  most  powerful.  At  present,  concealed  as  it  v.  ere 
on  one  side,  by  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands,  and 
covered  on  the  other  by  the  ramparts  raised  by  Ger- 
many to  keep  her  at  a  distance,  she  is  insulated  by 
these  two  new  barriers,  from  the  rest  of  Europe, 
Thereby  the  continental  policy  is  concentrated  in  the 
grand  square  formed  by  the  Alps,  the  Rhine,  the  Bal- 


20 

tic,  and  the  Vistula;  this  is  the  field  in  which  it  will 
be  henceforth  exercised. 

The  existing  positive  order  of  Europe  is  that  which 
flows  either  from  the  congress  of  Vienna  or  from  the 
transactions  which  have  taken  place  since  1813  and 
1815.  Thus  the  state  of  France  was  regulated  by 
the  first  treaty  of  Paris,  as  that  of  Sweden  was  by 
that  of  Keil. 

According  to  the  new  order,  the  greater  part  of  the 
states  of  Europe  exist  double,  and  contain  unions  of 
nations  and  states  which  heretofore  were  not  embo- 
died with  these  sovereignties ;  thus  Russia  and  Po- 
land, Sweden  and  Norway,  Holland  and  Belgium, 
Prussia  and  the  Grand  Duchy  of  the  Rhine,  with  half 
of  Saxony,  present  these  grand  unions  in  which  one 
of  the  accessories  equals  the  principal,  as  in  the  in- 
stance of  Belgium  with  respect  to  Holland,  and  of 
Norway  in  regard  to  Sweden.  In  this  case,  there  is 
association  almost  as  much  as  adjunction  or  reuniorij 
a  term  as  employed  in  policy,  implying  adjunction 
with  inferiority. 

Inferiority  is  discovered  in  the  other  adjunctions, 
such  as  that  of  Poland  with  Russia,  of  a  part  of  Saxony 
with  Prussia,  of  Venice  with  Austria,  of  Genoa  with 
Piedmont ;  in  all  these  cases  there  is  rather  subjection 
than  union ;  the  sacrifice  on  one  side,  the  acquisition 
on  the  other,  are  observable  at  the  first  glance.  It  is 
perceived,  besides,  that  if,  in  one  case,  the  union  may 
have  been  desired,  in  others  it  must  have  been  forced, 
and  that  the  wish  of  separation  is  not  likely  to  be  long 
"ivaited  for,  and  will  always  be  ready  to  return.  The 
more  civilisation  shall  extend  its  benefits,  the  more 
this  disposition  will  gain  strength;  for  tlie  principal 


21 

alid  ever  increasing  effect  of  civilization,  is  to  expose 
the  deformities  of  the  political  as  those  of  the  social 
order.  It  would  be  a  great  self-deception  to  believe, 
that  AN'hile  advancing  upon  one  point,  it  will  remain 
stationary  upon  others.  It  is  the  nature  of  civilization 
to  lead  the  way,  and  to  control  by  an  influence,  as 
uni^'ersal  as  irresistible,  the  destinies  of  human  so- 
ciety ;  it  acts  in  every  direction  like  air  and  light. 

The  family  of  Europe  has  always  reckoned  among 
the  members  which  compose  it,  powers  of  a  supe- 
rior order;  objects  of  much  jealousy  and  distrust. 
When  Russia  and  Prussia,  these  creations  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  did  not  yet  exist,  Germany  co;i- 
stituted  the  material  of  the  European  policy,  and  the 
dominant  power  in  this  country,  therefore,  occupied 
the  chief  rank  in  the  political  order ;  it  was  then  Aus-« 
tria;  Charles  the  Fifth  would  have  been  the  master  of 
the  continent  but  for  the  reformation.     At  that  day  it 
saved  Europe  from  the  chains  of  Austria,  by  dividing 
Germany  between  the  Protestant  and  Catholic  leagues ; 
and  by  causing  the  creation  of  the  first  political  sys- 
tem that  Europe  has  had.  It  gave  France,  in  alliance 
with  Sweden,  the  means  of  reducing  the  power  of 
Austria  to  proportions  less  formidable  to  the  common 
liberty.     The  reformation  facilitated  the  creation  of 
Prussia;  who,  whenever  it  was  in  her  power,  sustain- 
ed herself  by  this  league ;  and  hastened  to  place  her- 
self at  the  head  of  this  politico-religious  confedera- 
tion. 

When  religious  ideas  had  facilitated  the  introduc- 
tion and  prevalence  of  those  of  policy,  the  Catholic 
states  of  Germany,  such  as  Bavaria,  the  Palatinate, 
and  som.e  ecclesiastical  electors,  detached  themselves 

F 


22 

from  Austria,  whom  they  had  followed  thus  far  by 
reason  of  religious  conformity ;  and  adopted  the  po- 
licy, which  indicated  France  as  their  natural  ally 
against  the  dominant  power  in  Germany.  Louis  XIV. 
was  almost  always  followed  by  the  electors  of  Bava- 
ria, of  Cologne,  and  by  other  princes  of  the  empire, 
who  dreaded  the  power  of  the  emperor ;  they  attach- 
ed themselves  in  the  same  manner  to  Prussia,  the 
moment  she  had  exhibited  the  same  character,  of 
protector  against  Austria;  this  policy,  which  might 
be  called  instinct,  has  served  them  well,  as  it  was 
seen  in  the  war  of  Bavaria  in  1778 ;  this  state  would 
have  been  crushed  under  the  weight  of  the  forces 
with  which  the  emperor  Joseph  was  preparing  to 
overwhelm  it,  but  for  the  prompt  interference  of 
Prussia.  Austria  found  the  latter  always  at  her  side, 
and  was  subjected  to  a  more  inquisitive  observation 
than  could  have  comported  with  the  dignity  of  the 
modern  Cesars. 

Previously  to  the  revolution,  a  great  number  of 
causes  combined  to  temper  the  ejffect  of  superiority 
in  poM'er,  and  to  give  it  limits.  As  yet  there  was  no 
absolute  domination ;  for  there  was  no  power  which 
was  not  attended  by  what  might  be  called  its  correc- 
tive. France  found  it  in  England;  what  state  could 
she  have  attacked  on  the  continent,  without  encoun- 
tering this  powerful  rival  upon  every  sea,  before  all 
her  ports,  in  the  midst  of  all  her  colonies  ?  Her  navy, 
as  usual,  would  have  annulled  all  conquests  made  by 
the  armies  of  France,  and  would  have  forced  her  to 
restore  them.  By  the  possession  of  Belgium,  Austria 
was  rendered  dependant  on  France,  and  kept  in  check 
by  that  po^ver.     In  Germany,  she  was  balanced  by 


Prussia ;  and,  towards  the  East,  by  Turkey  and  Rus- 
sia. The  latter  had  in  Finland  a  dangerous  neigh- 
bourhood. Gustavus  III.  astonished  Petersburgli 
with  the  roar  of  his  cannon ;  and  the  haughty  Catha- 
rine was  nigh  feeling  the  effects  of  the  terror  which 
she  had  been  accustomed  to  inspire  afar  off.  Den- 
mark kept  Sweden  in  check.  Turkey  repressed 
Russia.  There  were  therefore  counterpoises,  and 
fortune  in  creating  them,  had,  in  her  sports,  been 
more  friendly  to  the  liberties  of  Europe  than  the 
combinations  that  have  succeeded. 

The  revolution  has  caused  great  invasions ;  and  it 
is  remarkable,  that  the  power  most  infatuated  by  the 
spirit  of  invasion,  is  the  same  that  has  finally  profited 
least  by  them ;  and  those,  who  have  lost  the  most, 
who  have  been  the  most  menaced,  the  most  despoil- 
ed, are  finally  the  most  enriched. 

The  time  of  equilibrium  and  ancient  checks  is 
past.  Colossal  powers  have  been  erected  in  Europe ; 
this  is  the  capital  vice  of  her  new  state.  Let  us  first 
consider  that  whose  weight  oppresses  the  continent; 
the  power  of  Russia. 


24 


RUSSIA. 

The  domination  of  the  power  which,  during  the 
first  fifteen  years  of  the  century,  has  weighed  upon 
Europe,  has,  by  its  ruin,  experienced  a  complete 
change  of  location. 

It  has  passed  from  France  to  Russia,  and  Europe 
has  lost  by  this  change  as  much  as  France  herself.  It 
is  in  this  immoderate  augmentation  of  the  Russian 
power,  that  the  capital  defect  of  the  European  policy 
consists ;  it  is  this  which  has  impressed  the  false  direc- 
tion sanctioned  by  the  congress  of  Vienna ;  which 
has  forced  some  of  the  arrangements  that  were  made 
there,  and  which  has  prepared  ages  of  toil  for  Eu-^ 
rope. 

By  a  singular,  but  fatal  conformity  with  England, 
Russia  is  now  almost  as  insular  as  England  herself. 
From  the  wall  of  China  to  the  plains  of  Moravia,  and 
the  gates  of  Breslaw,  Russia  is  unbroken  and  without 
a  neighbour.  All  this  immense  space  acknowledges 
her  for  its  only  master.  On  one  side,  she  is  flanked 
by  the  Pole  and  the  Baltic ;  on  the  other,  by  Caucasus 
and  the  Caspian,  the  Danube  and  the  Euxine.  The 
nations  which  border  upon  her,  brutalized  by  super- 
stition or  slumbering  in  voluptuousness,  are  too  much 
her  inferiors  to  be  able  to  disquiet  her.  She  may  bring 
all  her  forces,  therefore,  upon  the  menacing  front  she 
extends  towards  Europe.  Sweden  can  no  longer 
reach  her  by  Finlandj  which  has  slipt  from  her  grasp. 


.iJO 


England  could  not  employ  in  repressing  her  the  same 
means  which  are  so  eftectual  with  respect  to  France, 
placed  within  her  reach;  for  Russia  has  not  the  ma- 
rine, the  colonies,  and  the  commerce,  that  have  ren- 
dered France  so  vulnerable.  Immense  distances, 
boisterous  seas,  and  Boreas,  with  his  breath  of  ice, 
defend  Russia  from  England. 

Charles  XII.  in  the  eighteenth  century,  and  Napo- 
leon in  the  nineteenth,  have  taken  upon  themselves, 
by  a  similar  ruin,  to  engrave  in  characters  not  to  be 
effaced  on  the  frontiers  of  this  land  of  perdition,  what 
Dante  inscribed  upon  the  gates  of  his  //c//, — "  Yc 
xvho  enter  here^  abandon  hopeP  Thus  Russia  finds  her 
force  augmented  from  tlie  despair  of  her  enemies, 
and  their  known  inability  to  retaliate  upon  her  at 
home,  the  evil  she  can  always  inflict  upon  them ;  ter- 
rific certainty,  that  of  being  always  exposed  to  dan- 
gers, from  which  others  must  always  be  protected ! 

The  augmentations  of  population  in  Russia  follow 
the  same  proportions  they  are  seen  to  acquire  in  Ame- 
rica ;  and,  for  the  same  reasons,  the  extent  of  spaces, 
the  abundance  of  subsistence,  and  the  progress  of 
civilization.  The  United  States  departed  in  1778 
from  the  point  of  two  millions  five  hundred  thousand 
inhabitants,  to  arrive,  in  1818,  at  that  of  nine  millions^ 
It  is  calculated  that  in  1920,  and  perhaps  before  this 
epoch,  their  population  will  exceed  one  hundred  mil- 
lions. Nothing  can  prevent  it;  the  causes  which  have 
given  them  the  first  million  will  give  them  also  the 
hundredth.  It  is  the  same  in  population  as  in  the 
products  of  commerce ;  the  difficulty  is  not  in  gain- 
ing the  last  million,  but  the  first.  Russia  possesses 
more  than  fortv-five  millions  of  inhabitants:  a  fair- 


26 

point  of  departure,  and  a  rich  fund  to  ensure  further 
accumulations.  This  population  results  from  fifty 
ages  of  barbarism,  and  but  one  of  attempts  at  civili- 
zation. To  what  will  it  not  arrive,  when  civilization, 
diffused  over  the  whole  empire,  may  produce  on  the 
whole  body  of  the  monarchy  the  beneficial  changes 
it  has  already  produced  in  the  parts  it  has  been  able 
to  attain  ?  It  cannot  be  doubted,  in  a  hundred  years, 
the  population  of  Russia  will  exceed  one  hundred 
millions  of  men ;  the  spaces  to  receive  them  are  all 
prepared ;  the  earth  opens  to  them  a  virgin  bosom  for 
their  nourishment ;  commerce  invites  them ;  indus- 
try will  form  the  classes  that  will  provide  for  their 
wants ;  a  varied  climate  will  favour  every  species  of 
culture;  a  thousand  rivers  will  transport  the  products 
given  by  art  or  by  nature ;  there  exists  no  cause  ca- 
pable of  arresting  these  progressions;  there  are  a 
thousand  to  accelerate  them.  Each  advance,  as  al- 
ways happens,  will  become  the  principle  of  another. 
To  which  may  be  added,  at  the  present  time,  that  the 
communication  of  ideas  by  the  liberty  of  the  press ; 
and  of  men  with  each  other,  by  commerce  and  tra- 
velling; furnishing  the  means  to  know  all  that  passes 
every  where,  has  made  a  common  fund  of  all  human 
sciences;  from  which  each  draws  in  his  turn,  and 
which,  instead  of  being  exhausted  by  what  is  drawn 
from  it,  is  augmented.  Therein  consists  one  of  the 
principal  benefits  of  civilization.  For  the  daily  me- 
lioration of  condition  it  is  no  longer  requisite  to  study, 
as  one  might  say ;  to  look  only  would  seem  enough ; 
all  is  created,  all  is  known ;  all  is  at  hand. 

The  time  employed  in  other  epochs  upon  inqui- 
ries may  be  devoted  now  to  successful  applications ; 


27 

the  models  are  found  in  all  places :  they  exist  to  mul- 
tiply instruction,  and  to  render  it  general.     Such  is 
the  distinction  between  modern  and  ancient  societies. 
Men  dispersed,  innumerable  barriers  and  arts  in  their 
infancy,  could  not  conduct  society  to  so  rapid  an 
improvement,  as  do  the  intercourse  of  men,  the  in- 
crease of  communications,  and  arts  acquiring  greater 
perfection  every   day.      The   departure  should  be 
taken  from  this  point  of  view  in  forming  a  judgment 
of  the  future  progress  of  Russia.     She  has  not  only 
all  that  Europe  possesses,  but  she  has  still  more ;  for 
she  has  a  tliousand  places  to  dispose  of  for  one  that 
may   be  vacant   in   Europe.      Besides  no   part   of 
Europe  is  susceptible  of  so  uniform  a  progress  in  a 
better  order,  as  Russia. ;  because,  with  her,  all  will 
be  formed  upon  modern  models,  as  at  Petersburgh, 
and  as  in  America.     It  is  the  advantage  of  new  coun- 
tries ;  delay  is  compensated  by  better  formation. 

If  any  country  of  Europe  were  capable  of  a  pro- 
gress equal  to  that  of  Russia,  it  could  only  be  Ireland ; 
because,  after  Russia,  it  is  the  country  where  popula- 
tion is  most  scattered,  and  civilization  most  retarded : 
and  there,  as  in  Russia,  it  is  very  easy  to  procure  the 
means  of  subsistence.  In  this  is  found  the  whole 
secret  of  the  respective  population  of  states.  Wlrat 
completes  the  terror  of  this  too  certain  prospect  of 
the  increase  of  the  Russian  power,  is  the  contempla- 
tion that  this  immense  population,  attracted  towards 
the  south,  (as  that  of  the  north  has  always  been,  flow- 
ing in  that  direction,  like  a  river,)  formed  under  the 
hand  of  a  revered  authority,  of  men  robust,  obedient, 
patient,  as  it  were  malleable,  will  be  at  the  disposal  of 
men  equal  in  civilization  to  the  most  civilized  men 


28 

of  the  rest  of  Europe,  and  that,  as  under  the  Roman, 
emperors,  a  capital  of  great  luxury  is  to  commission 
its  Corbulos  to  complete  the  conquest  of  the  world! 
A  hundred  millions  of  Russian  peasants,  always  ready 
to  support  with  their  docile  and  muscular  arms  all  the 
projects  that  power  or  caprice  may  engender,  presents 
an  appalling  perspective;  twice  already  they  have  hewn 
their  way  to  the  capital  of  France :  by  them  the  em- 
pire of  the  Sultans  lies  subverted  on  its  shattered 
crescent ;  nor  is  it  long  since  the  cries  of  these  sons 
of  the  Scythians  have  been  echoed  by  the  tomb  of 
the  Mantuan   Swan.      Add  to    this,    that    Russia 
strengthened  by  a  van  guard  often  millions  of  Poles, 
is  the  only  power  of  Europe  that  possesses  in  very 
great  abundance,  one  of  the  most  essential  machines 
of  war,  one  of  the  vital  principles  of  the  military  state 
of  a  country,  namely,  horses.     They  exist  in  Russia 
in  immense    quantity,    and    in    qualities  of   every 
species,  each  excellent  in  theii'  kind :  consequently 
also  at  prices  that  permit  them  to  be  used  without 
palrsimony :  whereas  in  the  rest  of  Europe  the  pro- 
gress of  population  combined  with  that  of  agriculture 
has  narrowed  the  spaces  necessary  for  rearing  them. 
The  advance  of  their  price  resulting  from  that  of  all 
the  productions  of  the  earth  and  of  industry,  has 
become  so  excessive  as  to  render  the  acquisition  and 
support  of  a  numerous  cavalry,  a  burden  incompatible 
with  the  revenues  of  the  greater  part  of  the  states  of 
the  continent.     Napoleon  was  never  able  to  create 
anew  the  cavalry  whose  ruins  strewed  the  plains  of 
Russia;  whereas,  the  latter,  to  repair  a  similar  loss, 
would  only  have  required  an  act  of  her  will,  and  the 
time  necessary  to  assemble  them.     In  this  particular^ 


29 

Russia  resembles  those  parts  of  America  filled  by  the 
animals  transplanted  from  Spain,  which  from  their 
numbers,  seem  the  real  inhabitants;  while  the  rest  of 
Europe  is  unprovided  with  this  species  of  force. 

Russia  at  present  is  therefore  the  dominant  power 
on  the  continent ;  the  power  that  menaces  others ;  in 
a  condition  to  come  in  contact  with  others;  and 
beyond  all  reach  on  their  part ;  consequently  present- 
ing a  danger  that  always  impends.  The  congress  of 
Vienna,  by  sanctioning  the  occupation  of  Poland,  has 
given  a  false  direction  to  the  policy  of  Europe ;  which 
required  that  Russia  should  be  kept  at  a  distance, 
at  any  cost :  all  should  have  been  sacrificed  to  this 
consideration.  The  moment  of  establishment  is  that 
in  which  reflections  are  the  most  necessary;  it  is  that 
of  precautions :  once  formed,  what  does  it  not  cost  to 
repair,  to  correct,  and  often  to  obtain  a  slender  re- 
dress! This  will  be  perceived  with  respect  to 
Russia.  Now  that  she  is  fortified  by  such  a  van- 
guard as  two  thirds  of  Poland;  when  her  wings  are 
perfectly  protected,  who  could  cause  her  to  retreat 
a  step,  who  will  prevent  her  from  stepping  over  her 
barriers  ?  Between  her  and  Germany  what  hence- 
forth is  the  distance,  the  wall  of  separation,  and  the 
rampart?  In  vain  will  it  be  said,  that  the  effects  of 
this  combination  will  be  tempered  by  the  personal 
qualities  of  the  sovereign  of  this  formidable  empire. 
Is  it  then  that  policy  is  framed  with  men,  and  not 
rather  with  things?  Is  it  that  augmentation  of  power 
does  not  include  an  invitation  to  the  exercise  of 
power?  Is  it  that  the  eternity  of  Alexander  can  be 
assured  like  his  immortality :  will  his  soul  like  his 
sceptre  be  transmitted  entire  to  his  successors? 

G 


30     • 

We  may  be  assured,  on  tlie  contrary,  that  Europe 
\vhich  has  sighed  for  the  reverses  of  Napoleon,  and 
has  profited  by  them  to  effect  her  emancipation ;  in 
reality,  has  but  changed  the  yoke  and  taken  that  of 
Russia  instead  of  that  of  France ;  it  was  for  the  ad- 
vantage of  Europe  even  more  than  for  his  own  that 
Napoleon  made  war  upon  Russia;  and  let  us  take 
heed  lest  the  day  arrive  in  which  his  defeat  shall  be 
deplored. 

The  part  of  Poland  last  united  to  Russia  has  re- 
ceived consolations  rather  than  a  state.  There  are 
things  for  which  there  can  exist  no  compensation. 
Nations  have  in  this  respect  a  sensibility  still  more 
delicate  than  individuals :  their  very  existence  ceases 
with  their  independence.  Whatever  name  may 
decorate  a  foreign  domination,  it  is  still  to  be  com- 
manded. The  smallest  particle  of  dependance  suf- 
fices to  embitter  all  the  liberty  that  may  remain.  The 
Polish  army  will  be  a  very  powerful  auxiliary  for 
Russia;  nothing  can  surpass  the  Polish  soldier  in 
courage,  in  patience,  or  in  force ;  he  unites  the  quali- 
ties of  the  Russian  and  the  Frenchman ;  he  is  an  ex- 
cellent horse-man;  loves  war  and  has  been  trained 
to  it.  Among  the  Poles  will  reappear  the  Sobieskis, 
the  Kosciuskos,  the  Poniatowskis,  and  their  banners 
associated  to  those  of  Russia,  will  one  day  perhaps 
be  displayed  in  the  same  places  where  they  have 
appeared  at  the  side  of  other  ensigns.  Poland  is 
now  cut  into  more  pieces  than  it  ever  was.  Gallicia 
appertains  to  Austria  in  consequence  of  the  first  par- 
tition :  the  dutchy  of  Posen,  Dantzick,  with  the  lower 
Vistula,  are  subject  to  Prussia.  Three  other  parts 
are  possessed  by  Russia;  Volhynia  and  Lithuania, 


31 

as  Russian  provinces,  and  the  kingdom  of  Poland  as  a 
state  united  with  Russia.  The  combination  appears 
sinc^ular  at  the  first  glance;  but  a  little  attention 
enables  us  to  discover  in  it  precautions  against  the 
reestablishment  in  one  mass  of  too  large  a  portion 
of  the  ancient  Polish  family.  Divisions  of  states,  and 
of  aggregations,  excite  less  umbrage,  and  are  less 
disposed  to  question  authority  than  unions  of  greater 
strength:  ten  millions  of  Poles  united  in  the  same 
state  would  have  felt  a  degree  of  strength  altogether 
different  from  that  which  results  from  their  separation 
and  distribution  between  three  different  governments. 
To  have  reunited  the  three  great  parts  of  Poland  had 
been  to  accomplish  a  work  sketched  by  Napoleon; 
and  his  conquerors  could  not  persuade  themselves  to 
become  his  testamentary  executors. 


SWEDEN. 

Noble  and  pacific  destinies  await  Sweden:  policy 
has  reestablished  the  order  of  nature ;  and  what  her 
Gustavuses,  her  Charles  Xs,  her  Charles  XIIs,  were 
unable  to  effect,  a  Frenchman  invited  to  this  throne 
has  executed.  Sweden  is  indebted  to  him  for  the  ac- 
quisition of  a  position  proof  against  all  attack.  Happy, 
henceforth,  in  having  nothing  more  to  fear  or  to  de- 
sire, her  attention  will  be  confined  to  two  principal 
objects :  to  confirm  the  union  with  Norway;  and  main- 
tain her  connexion  with  the  body  of  Europe,  should 
she  ever  have  occasion  to  act  against  Russia :  Swe- 
den alone  cannot  have  the  temerity  to  encounter  this 
power;  and,  very  fortunately  for  her,  she  has  no  other 
neighbour,  peace  will  be,  therefore,  her  portion,  and 
with  it  the  peaceful  cultivation  of  its  consoling  and 
beneficent  arts,  agriculture,  manufactures  and  com- 
merce. A  new  dynasty  forced  to  incessant  vigilance 
for  its  own  security;  instructed  by  great  examples.in  the 
dangers  of  slumber,  as  in  those  of  presumption;  must 
seek  in  the  augmentation  of  the  public  prosperity  new 
pledges  of  stability;  and  in  this  case,  the  great  ad- 
vantages attached  to  this  necessity  of  seeking  to  merit 
the  consideration  of  a  people,  may  balance  the  incon- 
veniences inherent  to  such  changes,  even  when  they 
have  become  the  work  of  necessity. 

In  the  course  of  time,  the  population  of  Swedeu 
will  also  experience  great  augmentation :  she  will  owe 


It  more  to  commerce  and  manufactures  than  to  agri- 
culture; resisted  by  the  cHmate,  and  little  favoured  by 
the  soil. 

Her  ports  will  contribute  more  to  it  than  her  fields; 
it  will  be  with  her  as  with  all  maritime  countries,  (for 
Sweden  has  become  such  since  the  union  of  Norway,) 
in  which  it  is  more  by  furrowing  the  sea  than  by  work- 
ing the  soil,  that  the  state  prospers  and  increases  in 
riches  and  in  population.  The  gi'eat  wars  of  Gusta- 
vus  Adolphus,  those  of  Protestantism  and  of  Charles 
XII.,  had  given  Sweden  a  direction  towards  land  ar- 
maments ;  this  direction  was  forced  by  the  possession 
of  the  greater  part  of  the  territory  bordering  on  the 
Baltic;  which  Sweden  has  lost. 

When  she  occupied  Pomerania,  Livonia,  and  Fin- 
land, she  had  need  of  great  armies  of  the  line;  and 
her  navy  was  of  little  service  but  for  the  transport  of 
her  troops,  and  the  defence  of  her  coasts ;  but  at  pre- 
sent, when  her  own  shores  are  her  limits,  she  has 
more  need  of  a  strong  militia  than  of  regular  troops; 
and  her  marine  may  take  the  extensive  direction  re- 
quired by  the  new  order  of  Europe,  with  which  she 
ought  to  co-operate. 

The  grand  movement  which  agitates  the  continent 
of  Spanish  America  will  extend  its  effects  to  Sweden ; 
it  has  the  appearance  of  being  made  for  the  maritime 
nations  of  the  north;  and  for  those  that  have  few  oc- 
DO  colonies ;  for  they  are  destined  to  gain  those  of 
others,  without  losing  their  own:  and  what  a  colony 
is  all  America  !  This  ^-reat  and  astonishing:  event, 
the  separation  of  Southern  America  from  Spain;  ail 
event  now  inevitable,  and  a  certain  prelude  to  the  en- 
franchisement of  all  the  colonies  in  tlie  four  quarters 


34 

of  the  globe,  will  lead  to  immense  accumulations  of 
power  and  of  wealth  among  the  nations  of  the  north  ; 
far  superior  to  those  of  the  south,  in  the  useful  arts,  in 
activity,  in  the  pursuit  of  luxuries,  and  in  the  love  of 
gain.  Europe  would  not  resemble  herself,  if,  instead 
of  falling  into  the  hands  of  superstitious  and  indolent 
Spain,  South  America  had  been  shared  among  the 
laborious  and  enterprizing  people  that  inhabit  the  north 
of  Europe.  There  was  a  fatal  mistake  for  the  human 
race  in  the  gift  made  by  heaven  of  America  to  Europe; 
that  of  having  destined  her  to  the  indolent  men  who 
dwell  within  the  Pyrenees;  they  could  make  nothing 
of  her  when  she  slept ;  they  are  incapable  of  retaining 
or  releasing  her,  since  she  is  aw^akened. 

The  union  of  Norway  to  Sweden,  gives  this  power 
good  ports  of  commerce  upon  the  ocean,  which  she 
wanted;  and  which  will  place  her  in  a  condition  to 
extend  her  commercial  relations,  about  to  take  the 
place  of  warlike  occupations;  which  have  hitherto 
formed  the  chief  business  of  life  among  the  people  of 
Scandinavia.  By  this  pacificatory  union,  the  country 
in  which  the  cruel  God  of  War  had  established  his 
horses  and  his  car,  will  no  longer  be  disturbed  by  its 
terrific  rumblings :  henceforth  it  is  destined  to  become 
the  residence  of  a  peace,  little  short  of  eternal. 

Some  slis^ht  agitations  at  the  surface  of  a  soil  that 
has  recently  felt  a  general  shock,  ought  to  excite  no 
alarm  for  the  future ;  and  the  piercing  eye  that  Avatch- 
es  over  these  countries  ;  the  firm,  able,  and  paternal, 
but  vigorous  hand  that  rules  them,  will  not  fail  at  the 
same  time  to  prevent,  to  obviate,  to  compress  and  to 
punish  all  that  shall  attempt  to  interrupt  this  peace. 
The  security  of  the  Baltic  is  better  guarantied  by  the 


35 

concentration  of  S^^'etIen  and  Norvva}'',  in  the  same 
state,  than  it  was  before  this  union.  A  strong  state^ 
single,  is  more  strong  than  two  weak  states,  united, 
but  subject  to  be  separated.  In  the  state  of  maritime 
and  continental  preponderance  Avhich,  at  the  same 
time,  both  England  and  Russia  have  acquired;  it  was 
for  the  interest  of  Europe  to  fortify  and  strengthen  as 
much  as  possible,  the  power  of  the  north  that  was 
found  most  competent  to  guard  the  Baltic  at  once 
against  England  and  against  Russia.  This  charge  for 
the  future,  devolves  on  Sweden.  In  this  view  her 
union  with  Norway  is  an  act  as  beneficial  to  Europe 
in  general,  as  to  Sweden  in  particular.  The  acquisi- 
tion of  Norway  has  more  than  recompensed  her  for 
the  loss  of  Finland. 

The  fortune  of  states  must  be  estimated  like  that 
of  individuals :  the  expense,  as  well  as  the  receipt, 
must  be  taken  into  the  account. 

Nothing  is  more  economical  for  a  state  than  not  to 
have  borderers  ;  and  this  is  what  Sweden  has  a^ained 
by  the  loss  of  Finland,  and  by  the  acquisition  of  Nor- 
way. The  one  has  relieved  her  from  the  formidable 
vicinity  of  Russia,  the  other  from  contact  with  Den- 
mark. The  diminution  of  expense  compensates  for 
that  of  revenue.  Finland,  it  is  true,  yielded  more 
than  can  be  drawn  from  Norway.  But  the  defence  of 
the  former,  and  the  defence  against  the  latter,  more 
than  compensated  the  inequality  of  the  two  products. 
The  causes  of  wars,  which  are  always  the  occasion  of 
the  greatest  expenses  of  states,  and  in  one  year  absorb 
many  years  of  revenue,  appear  to  be  removed  by  this 
insulation  of  Sweden. 

The  comparitive  force,  with  respect  to  Denmark,  is 


augmented,  and  the  relative  weakness,  in  regard  to 
Russia,  is  diminished;  for  Sweden,  enclosed  in  the 
Scandinavian  peninsula,  is  much  less  exposed  to  the 
encroachments  of  Russia  than  she  was  in  possessing 
Finland.  The  latter  has  much  regretted  Sweden; 
Sweden,  in  return,  has  much  regretted  Finland;  as 
Norwa}",  on  her  part,  has  much  regretted  Denmark; 
and  on  all  sides,  from  a  sentiment  of  habit,  far  more 
than  from  reflection ;  for  the  best  thing  that  could  have 
befallen  these  states  was,  to  be  as  they  are,  and  cease 
to  be  as  they  Vv-ere. 

The  new  relations  of  the  political  existence  of 
Sweden,  resulting  from  its  new  formation,  are  highly 
important.  They  deserve  to  be  carefully  remarked, 
because  in  its  present  state  this  power  v/ill  have  an 
influence  upon  the  affairs  of  Europe  which  before  it 
was  unable  to  obtain.  Not  that  she  will  be  permitted 
to  see  the  return  of  the  brilliant  days  of  Gustavus 
Adolphus  or  of  Charles  XII.;  days  in  which  the  Swe- 
dish arms  shone  with  a  splendour  like  that  which 
lately  graced  the  arms  of  France;  which,  besides, 
have  had  with  it  the  cruel  conformity  of  a  Pultawa ; 
it  is  only  intended  to  present  her  as  entitled  to  expect 
a  futurity  more  important  than  was  her  position  under 
the  pressure  of  Russia,  and  in  a  proportional  equality 
with  Denmark ;  she  is  enfranchised  from  the  one,  and 
she  surpasses  the  other. 

Sweden  has  no  longer  any  subject  of  controversy 
with  Prussia,  formerly  made  her  enemy  by  the  Swe- 
dish possessions  in  Pomerania ;  nor  with  the  German 
empire,  to  which  Sweden  is  no  longer  held  by  any 
tie.  She  will  have,  therefore,  at  all  times,  the  entire 
disposal  of  her  forces,  1.  For  herself;  2.  To  concur 


-37 

with  the  rest  of  Europe  in  repressing  tlie  two  invaders 
that  menace,  at  the  same  time,  by  land  and  by  sea; 
Russia  and  England.  No  one,  therefore,  has  any 
thing  to  demand  of  Sweden  in  her  insulated  state ; 
Sweden  has  nothing  to  ask  of  any  one;  there  can 
exist  no  situation  of  peace  more  decided,  more  con- 
firmed by  the  nature  of  things;  nor  that  could  better 
enable  a  state  to  turn  all  its  views  towards  its  internal 
improvement. 


416135 


38 


DENMARK. 

This  state  is  found  in  a  situation  nearlj'  similar 
to  that  of  Sweden.  Its  weakness  does  not  allow  it  an 
active  part  in  policy.  It  cannot  attack  Sweden,  from 
which  the  sea  separates  it ;  it  could  still  less  encroach 
upon  the  German  empire,  which  commences  at  it^ 
gates.  Sweden  has  no  longer  any  thing  to  demand 
of  it ;  she  would  be  prevented  from  it  by  Russia,  by 
England,  in  fine  by  all  the  world.  Denmark  is  there- 
fore secure  of  the  consistency  of  its  territory  and  of 
its  peaceable  possession.  By  the  late  treaties  it  has 
been  subjected  to  many  sacrifices;  and  the  victim  of 
many  evils,  of  which  it  was  innocent.  "^Fhe  policy  of 
Denmark  is,  therefore,  to  turn  its  views  towards  mari- 
time commerce;  as  a  source  of  riches  and  of  popula- 
tion. Its  position  offers  it  all  the  means;  and  will 
cause  it  to  participate  largely  in  the  augmentation  of 
wealth,  promised  the  North  of  Europe  by  the  eman- 
cipation of  South  America;  and  by  that  of  the  Euro- 
pean colonies  generally.  This  emancipation  will  be 
the  fortune  of  the  shores  of  the  Baltic;  whose  riches, 
all  circulating  upon  the  coasts  of  Denmark,  cannot 
fail  to  leave  there  traces  of  their  passage,  which  mo- 
ney usually  leaves  in  the  hands  in  which  it  has  been 
lodged.  Copenhagen  is  destined  to  become  the  ne- 
cessary emporium  of  the  Baltic,  in  its  commerce  with 
America. 

This  result  is  inevitable  in  the  movement  of  the 


39 

commerce  which  is  now  opening  between  America 
and  the  north  of  Europe;  and  which  cannot  fail  to 
experience  a  great  increase.  Denmark  is  situated 
upon  the  route  between  tlie  two  countries  of  the  world 
that  are  destined  to  make  the  largest  and  the  most 
rapid  strides;  America  and  Russia.  Every  vessel 
carrying  to  Russia  that  which  she  wants,  and  on  re- 
turning, laden  with  her  products,  must  pass  by  the 
shores  of  Denmark.  The  latter  is  even  better  located 
to  receive  the  tributes  of  the  commercial  world;  than 
is  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  to  profit  by  the  commerce 
that  connects  Europe  with  India ;  and  besides,  what 
a  difference,  in  the  activity  of  the  two  communica- 
tions. The  vessels  in  the  Baltic  will  be  counted  by 
thousands;  when  at  the  Cape  a  few  hundreds  will 
hardly  be  reckoned.  The  naval  increase,  whether 
commercial  or  military,  in  all  the  states  of  Europe, 
will  add  every  day  to  the  value  of  the  commerce  of 
the  Baltic,  which  supplies  all  its  elements ;  the  increas- 
ing wealth  and  population  of  the  north  will  render 
more  abundant  the  consumption  of  the  commodities 
produced  in  the  south  of  Europe. 

Already,  within  a  century,  this  commerce  has  in- 
creased an  hundred  fold.  When  Petersburgh  did  not 
exist,  or  when  it  had  recently  sprung  from  the  bosom 
of  marshes;  the  Russian  commerce  was  very  far  from 
being  what  it  is  at  this  day.  It  will  grow  in  proportion  to 
the  improvement  of  the  Russian  empire;  in  proportion 
to  the  luxury  of  the  cities  that  border  upon  the  Baltic; 
to  the  taste  for  luxuries  which  these  nations  will  ac- 
quire in  their  turn;  who  by  the  Baltic  communicate 
with  the  rest  of  the  universe,  and  who  by  navigation 
may  participate  in  all  its  productions.     The  future 


40 

commerce  of  the  Baltic  is  therefore  incalculable ;  and 
Denmark,  occupying  the  entrance  of  this  sea,  cannot 
fail  to  be  associated  to  this  prosperity,  the  dawn  of 
which  already  gleams  on  the  Baltic.  It  is  one  of  those 
fortunate  positions  created  by  nature  to  give  the  fruits 
of  all,  without  any  share  of  the  toil.  The  futurity  of 
Denmark  is  therefore  altogether  commercial.  She 
ought  to  leave  policy  to  other  states;  who  can  only 
turn  it  in  her  favour;  while  her  efforts  in  policy  could 
only  tend  against  herself;  as  has  been  manifested  in 
the  course  of  her  alliance  with  Napoleon.  She  has 
the  happiness  to  possess  only  colonies  of  little  value; 
and  will  lose  nothing  therefore  by  the  general  discon- 
tinuance of  this  species  of  national  property;  which 
will  inevitably  take  place;  and  she  will  thus  be  ad- 
mitted into  all  the  others ;  this  is  to  gain  all  for  no- 
thing, than  which,  there  is  no  surer  means  to  become 
rich. 

It  is,  unfortunately,  not  usual  that  the  prosperity  of 
others  should  become  the  subject  of  joy.  But  who 
could  feel  wounded  at  seeing  the  prosperity  of  a  mo- 
ral, pacific  people;  whose  name,  unstained  by  ambi- 
tion, has  not  for  ages  been  loaded  with  the  weight  of 
an  unjust  aggression;  that  has  suffered  wrongs  of  an 
aggravated  character ;  that  has  been  mutilated  for  a 
cause  in  which  it  had  no  interest ;  and  that  cultivates 
peace  under  the  government  of  princes  whose  virtues 
would  be  the  apology  of  the  legal  despotism  which  is 
attributed  to  them;  if  despotism  could,  in  any  place 
on  the  earth,  be  the  object  of  law  or  of  apology  ?  The 
materials  were  wanting  to  give  Denmark  the  indemni- 
fication that  had  been  promised  her.  The  same  difH* 
culty  always  occurs  in  countries'  whose  fortresses  are 
all  occupied  by  the  enemy. 


41 

It  is  impossible  to  enlarge  spaces ;  the  possessors 
defend  them;  and  treaties  remain  without  the  possibi- 
lity of  executing  them.     Accordingly  supplementary 
conventions  have  been  seen  to  take  place,  entered  into 
between  Austria  and  Bavaria.    Austria,  on  resuming 
her  ancient  tenitory,  was  obliged  to  pledge  herself  to 
procure  indemnifications  for  the  state  which  made  her 
this  retrocession.     But  where  were  they  to  be  taken, 
in  the  midst  of  a  country  occupied  by  princes  not 
parties  to  these  private  stipulations;  much  attached  to 
their  possessions;  and  by  as  good  a  right  as  the  con- 
tracting parties  could  have  to  their  own.     Baden  was 
designated  to  furnish  the  indemnification  for  territories 
in  the  release  of  which  it  had  no  concurrence ;  thus 
these  two  powers  had  settled  between  themselves  at 
the  expense  of  a  third,  who  had  not  been  consulted. 
The  object  was  to  reinstate  Bavaria  in  all  that  part 
of  the  Palatinate  which  had  appertained  to  her,  as  she 
also  reinstated  Austria  in  her  own.  Thus  far  all  went 
\vell ;  but  as  Baden  could  not  relinquish  that  which 
appertained  to  itself,  in  the  sole  view  of  sanctioning 
contracts  made  ^vithout  its  participation;  or  to  procure 
Bavaria  the  satisfaction  of  finding  herself  re-establish- 
ed in  her  ancient  dominions ;  as  there  \^  ere  no  territo- 
ries ancient  or  new  to  give  Baden;  a  controversy  has 
ensued,  in  which  the  Grand  Duke  has  published  re- 
monstrances, in  favour  of  which  justice  and  nature 
seem  to  have  conciliated  the  general  interest;  and  the 
business  has  remained  in  a  state  of  litigation  which 
the  great  powers  are  invited  to  determine. 

Denmark  has  experienced  the  effects  of  the  same 
failure  of  the  means  of  indemnification.  The  nature 
of  things,  in  accordance  with  the  better  order  of  Ger- 


42 

many,  which  demands  the  simplification  of  the  poHti- 
cal  machinery;  with  the  better  order  even  of  Europe, 
which  renders  it  necessary  to  fortify  the  powers  that 
support  the  burden  of  maintaining  the  general  system; 
and  to  diminish  those  who  are  numbered  without 
contributing  to  it  by  any  real  force;  should  cause 
Lubeck,  Hamburgh,  with  all  the  part  of  the  duchy 
of  Lauemburgh,  situated  to  the  right  of  the  Elbe,  to 
be  adjudged  to  Denmark. 

In  the  treatise  on  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  we  have 
shewn  why,  in  former  times,  Hanseatic  cities  were 
necessary;  and  why,  in  modern  times,  these  ancient 
emporiums  of  commerce  have  become  superfluous. 

It  is  found  on  a  near  survey,  that  this  arrangement 
is  no  better  for  these  cities  in  particular,  than  for  Ger- 
many in  general;  and  that  it  diminishes  the  strength 
of  the  defence  of  the  north;  which,  at  the  present 
day,  ought  to  be  the  capital  object  of  the  policy  of 
Europe. 

This  is  one  of  the  errors  of  the  congress  which  the 
magnitude  of  some  others  has  screened  from  the  ani- 
madversion it  deserved.  It  has  escaped  in  the  crowd. 


'45 


KINGDOM  OF  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

Even  the  most  lawful  and  natural  grief  ought 
not  to  impose  silence  on  reason ;  tears  ought  not  to 
close  up  the  avenues  of  sight ;  so  also,  with  whatever 
anguish  of  heart  a  Frenchman  must  contemplate  a 
creation  which  costs  so  dear  to  his  country;  it  cannot 
be  forbidden  him  to  examine  and  to  remark,  the  pro- 
perties of  a  state  formed  by  a  dismemberment  he  must 
so  deeply  regret.  After  having  paid  to  sentiment  a 
tribute  but  too  legitimate,  let  us  return  to  the  positive 
order  of  the  existing  policy.  It  has  willed  a  defensive 
system  in  Germany  and  the  north  against  France ;  it 
was  believed  that  these  two  points  had  always  been 
left  without  sufficient  defence ;  and  that  the  multitude 
of  petty  principalities  situated  in  this  quarter,  did  not 
constitute  an  effectual  defence  of  it  against  her ;  thence 
resulted  the  creation  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Nether- 
lands; to  be  complete,  this  system  ought  to  carry 
this  state  to  the  Rhine. 

Since  this  territory  w  as  stripped  from  France,  the 
new  state  should  have  been  invested  with  the  entire 
spoil.  With  its  actual  limits,  all  the  eastern  part  of 
this  kingdom  has  nothing  to  support  it;  and  remains 
equally  unprotected  against  France  and  against  Ger- 
many ;  whereas  by  the  complete  possession  of  this 
space,  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  would  have 
had  only  a  single  front  to  defend.  The  Rhine  would 
have  separated  it  from  the  German  powers.  It  is  ope 


u 

of  the  failings  of  policy ;  in  producing  great  changes 
she  leaves  them  incomplete;  one  would  say  that 
whatever  goes  beyond  mere  sketches  fatigues  or  baf- 
fles her  art.  Diplomatic  brains  resemble  not  those  of 
Jupiter ;  their  conceptions  are  not  created  armed  at 
all  points.  Since  an  idea  was  conceived  of  so  much 
elevation  as  that  of  giving  a  defensive  barrier  to  the 
North;  it  ought  to  have  been  extended  to  a  degree 
which  would  have  constituted  it  an  efficient  force  cor- 
respondent to  its  destination;  instead  of  stopping  on 
the  road,  as  has  been  done. 

Here  again  are  met  the  aberrations  of  the  Congress 
of  Vienna.  The  creation  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Ne- 
therlands in  its  actual  state  had  preceded  the  conven- 
tion of  that  congress;  but  Russia  having  taken  the 
greater  part  of  Prussian  Poland;  and  Prussia  by  her 
position  being  exposed  to  sustain  the  first  shock  of 
Russia;  it  became  necessary  to  seek  for  the  latter 
means  of  extension  correspondent  to  her  losses,  as 
well  as  to  her  new  exigencies.  There  presented  two 
of  these  means ;  the  one,  Saxony,  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Prussia ;  the  other  distant  from  her,  that  is 
to  say,  the  vacant  parts  of  Germany;  which  had  form- 
ed the  ecclesiastical  or  temporal  states  between  the 
Meuse  and  Rhine. 

The  interest  of  Europe,  in  accordance  with  reason, 
attributed  Saxony  to  Prussia;  and  indicated  the  trans- 
portation of  the  sovereignty  of  the  king  of  Saxony  to 
the  borders  of  the  Rhine ;  the  evil  genius  of  Europe 
has  caused  it  to  be  ordered  otherwise.  It  has  been 
his  Avill  that  the  highest  considerations  of  the  political 
order,  embracing  the  eternal  security  of  this  country, 
should  have  been  sacrificed  to  abstract  principles,  at 


45 

the  same  moment,  violated  by  other  acts  of  the  most 
solemn  character,  uhose  effects  are  seen  by  all  the 
world ;  he  has  willed  that,  when  the  sacrifice  of  re- 
publican states  cost  not  a  moment's  discussion,  the 
aspect  of  a  monarchy  four  days  old,  should  inspire 
an  awful  respect ;  as  if  the  rights  of  some  were  of  an 
order  inferior  to  those  of  others ;  and  that  legitimacy 
were  merely  patrimonial  and  restricted  to  families. 
Venice  and  Genoa  had  more  of  legitimacy  than  the 
Saxon  monarchy;  the  infant  of  Parma  was  more 
legitimate  at  Parma,  than  Maria  Louisa  of  Austria; 
and  since  each  resumed  his  place  by  the  sole  authority 
of  ancient  possession,  it  is  not  seen  why  some  were 
readmitted  with  so  much  facility,  whilst  others  were 
turned  aside  with  so  much  rigour.  Can  any  one 
assign  a  sufficient  reason  why  the  Doge  of  Genoa, 
and  the  infant  of  Parma,  might  not  have  been  allowed 
to  resume  the  seats  of  which  the  revolution  had  de- 
prived them,  with  altogether  as  much  propriety  as 
the  king  of  Sardinia,  the  duke  of  Modona,  and  the 
pope  were  permitted,  each  to  resume  theirs?  Those 
on  whom  it  is  incumbent  to  direct  the  affairs  of  the 
world,  ought  to  remain  thoroughly  persuaded  that 
nothing  more  distorts  the  understanding  of  those  they 
have  to  direct,  than  an  unequal  application  of  equal 
principles ;  and  that  the  eyes  of  men  follow  all  the 
movements  of  the  balance  they  hold  in  hand,  to  dis- 
cover what  causes  it  to  incline  to  one  side  more  than 
to  the  other;  and  still  their  abeiTations  excite  aston- 
ishment, after  the  model  has  been  furnished  them; 
yet  their  suspicions  excite  irritation,  when  the  real 
causes  of  them  are  created  by  the  circumstances  con- 
tinually before  their  eyes !     It  is  therefore  in  an  espe- 

I 


4S 

cial  manner,  the  invasion  of  Poland  by  Russia  thai' 
has  prevented  just  proportions  being  given  to  the 
kingdom  of  the  Netherlands.  Therein  exists  the 
principle  of  all  the  disorder  of  Europe.  Such  is  the 
first  fruit  of  it,  and  a  foretaste  of  others*  It  has  pro- 
duced the  necessity  of  seeking  indemnifications  for 
Prussia,  for  the  losses  she  had  sustained.  Aronnd 
her  all  was  taken,  occupied,  and  defended.  The 
obstacles  were  insurmountable.  A  necessity  was 
therefore  imposed  of  seeking  at  a  distance  for  that 
which  could  not  be  given  her  adjacently:  it  is  this 
which  has  brought  her  upon  the  Rhine,  for  there  was 
no  room  except  there.  She  has  transported  herself 
thither  at  the  expense  of  all,  and  to  her  own  injury ; 
whereas  she  would  have  remained  upon  the  Elbe 
with  utility  for  others  and  for  herself.  This  fatal 
resolution  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna  has  marred  all. 
It  has  given  to  the  whole  continental  policy  a  false 
gait,  from  which  nothing  will  be  able  to  recover  it. 
Prussia  is  the  citadel  of  Germany  against  Russia: 
this  citadel  has  been  divided  into  two  parts,  which 
have  no  reciprocal  adherence;  which  may  create 
umbrage  in  a  great  number  of  places,  but  safety  no 
where.  This  is  one  of  the  greatest  faults  that  polic} 
has  ever  committed;  ages  will  scarcely  suffice  to 
coiTect  it.  If  ever  circumstance  exacted  the  full 
exercise  of  the  perspicacity  and  of  the  energy  of 
statesmen,  assuredly  it  was  that  in  which  the  eternal 
foundation  of  the  establishment  of  Europe  was  in 
agitation:  interest  commanded  them  to  marshal  all 
the  forces  of  their  understanding  and  of  their  will,  to 
give  this  establishment  all  the  solidity  required  by 
the  protecting  order  of  Europe;  which  could  only  be 


47 

accomplished  by  concentrating,  by  rendering  great 
and  compact  the  Prussian  power;  Europe's  first  Hne 
of  defence  against  the  danger  that  threatens  in  the 
north. 

Situated  between  France  and  Prussia,  in  \'iew  of 
England,  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands,  locked  in 
between  three  powers,  each  of  which  is  stronger  than 
itself,  can  present  nothing  to  offend.  It  has  no  interest 
but  in  peace  with  each  individually,  and  in  reciprocal 
peace  between  them ;  for  it  would  be  very  difficult  for 
it  to  escape  unhurt  amidst  the  explosion  of  their 
quarrels.  France  would  defend  it  against  Prussia; 
Prussia  and  England  against  France ;  the  bases  of 
its  existence  are  therefore  solid.  It  ranks  in  the  first 
class  among  states  of  the  second  order.  Nothing 
should  induce  it  to  be  jealous  of  France ;  this  would 
be  a  thought  unworthy  of  it ;  it  ought  to  discover  in 
its  position  enough  to  raise  it  above  these  vain  sus- 
picions. 

In  the  actual  state  of  Europe,  with  the  ever  certain 
succours  of  England,  the  author  of  its  existence,  and 
of  Prussia  its  neighhbour,  it  ought  to  confide  in  its 
security  against  France;  it  ought  to  know  that  she 
^vould  not  incur  the  dangers  of  a  general  war,  to 
\\Test  from  it  a  few  leagues  of  territory.  To  triumph 
over  it,  it  will  be  necessary  to  triumph  also  over  all 
Europe ;  the  army  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands 
is  not  only  in  Belgium  and  in  Holland,  but  besides 
it  is  found  in  all  the  ganisons  of  Europe,  especially 
in  the  ports  of  England :  the  ramparts  of  the  kingdom 
of  the  Netherlands  are  not  only  found  in  the  fortresses 
which  strengthen  its  frontier;  but  besides  they  are  in 
all  the  arsenals  of  Europe;  which  would  be  seen  to 


48 

pour  forth  all  their  destructive  contents  upon  France, 
at  the  first  movement  she  should  make  against  this 
kingdom.  According  to  these  considerations  of  the 
general  system,  the  degrees  of  the  solidity  of  this 
state  must  be  estimated.  It  constitutes  a  part  of  the 
general  European  system;  it  resides  under  its  protec- 
tion, this  system  will  permit  nothing  to  be  retrenched 
from  it:  encroachments  upon  France  would  not  be 
prohibited  this  state,  so  rigorously,  as  they  would  be 
interdicted  to  France  upon  it. 

Besides,  no  account  is  to  be  made  of  what  is  pub- 
lished so  widely,  relative  to  the  alienation  which  the 
two  parts  of  this  new  union  are  said  to  feel  towards 
each  other;  the  true  cause  of  it  ought  to  be  known; 
it  should  be  ascertained  how  far  it  extends,  and  what 
is  its  tendency  :  whether  the  foundation  itself,  of  the 
union,  is  susceptible  of  being  affected  by  it;  or  whe- 
ther it  be  only  the  result  of  those  passing  clouds  that 
are  observable  in  recent  unions;  whether  it  be  merely 
a  question  of  certain  restraints  created  by  circum- 
stances, or  of  certain  errors,  to  be  redressed  in  the 
administration;  all  which  are  matters  that  may  be  left 
to  time,  and  that  no-wise  impede  the  movement  of  a 
state.  Now  such  is  the  picture  presented  by  the 
kingdom  of  the  Netherlands.  The  government  is 
seated  on  a  level  with  that  of  all  other  countries.  All 
the  parts  of  the  machine  move  harmoniously  together 
under  the  direction  of  a  superior;  abundance  exists 
in  the  treasury  and  among  the  people;  the  adminis- 
tration discovers  no  reluctance  to  any  reform,  or  to 
any  improvement;  a  few  men,  a  few  casts,  may 
perhaps  not  find  themselves  placed  as  they  might 
think  they  ought  to  be,  according  to  their  imagina- 


49 

tion,  or  their  habits  of  discontent :  wherein  does  this 
affect  a  state,  or  differ  from  what  passes  every  where? 
To  whom,  besides,  would  these  querulous  personages 
appeal  ?  Nay,  if  the  state,  of  which  they  complain 
vaguely,  were  positively  attacked,  perhaps  they 
might  shew  themselves  the  most  zealous  in  its  de- 
fence. 

The  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  will  perceive  the 
advancement  of  its  prosperity  in  the  extension  of  its 
agriculture  and  commerce. 

One  of  its  parts,  Belgium  offers  the  richest  theatre 
of  cultivation  that  exists  in  Europe.  Agriculture 
will  follow  the  degrees  of  augmentation  experienced 
by  commerce :  one  never  advances  without  the  other. 
If  the  kingdoms  of  the  north  will  gain  infinitely  by  the 
emancipation  of  America,  this  great  event  will  be  at- 
tended by  results  not  less  advantageous  for  the  king- 
dom of  the  Netherlands. 

The  Flemish  labourer,  the  Dutch  calculator,  the 
economist  of  Antwerp,  will  be  associated  in  all  the 
benefits  with  which  this  event  is  replete  for  the  entire 
world.  All  will  partake  of  the  harvest  of  this  new 
field,  in  proportion  to  the  particular  qualities  for  which 
each  is  distinguished.  The  Dutch  colonies  in  Ame- 
rica are  points  almost  imperceptible  in  the  colonial 
world.  Those  of  the  Moluccas  must  be  considered 
as  precarious  enjoyments,  while  England  occupies 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  reigns  in  India,  without 
a  rival.  Even  were  they  a  thousand  times  more  pre- 
cious, for  what  is  not  America  a  large  indemnifica- 
tion? And,  besides,  in  the  state  of  commerce,  and 
relations  which  bind  all  nations  together,  to  lose  a  co- 
lony, is  almost  always  to  lose  merely  a  nominal,  and 
often  a  burdensome,  sovereignty. 


50 

When  the  genius  of  commerce  is  possessed  to  the 
degree  in  which  it  appertains  to  the  Dutch,  do  not 
the  colonies  of  the  whole  world  belong  to  whoever  can 
render  his  commerce  with  them  the  most  advanta- 
geous; and  procures  them,  for  their  productions,  the 
market  of  the  world?  Now,  in  this  respect,  who 
can  flatter  themselves  to  surpass  the  Dutch? 

The  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  has  for  allies,  up- 
on land,  England  and  Prussia :  they  are  its  guardi- 
ans against  France ;  upon  the  sea,  France  and  neu- 
trals are  its  allies  against  England. 

The  system  of  this  state,  as  is  seen,  is  double;  but 
much  more  restricted  upon  land  than  upon  sea  :  for 
on  land,  it  is  in  contact  but  at  two  points;  with  France 
and  with  Prussia  :  whereas,  by  sea,  it  is  in  contact 
with  all.  The  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  forms  a 
branch  of  the  maritime  confederation,  established  by 
the  nature  of  things  between  all  maritime  states  against 
the  preponderant  power;  superior  to  each,  in  particu- 
lar, and  to  all  united  together. 

All  the  navies  of  Europe  are  in  permanent  alliance 
against  England;  as  are  all  the  armies  of  the  conti- 
nent against  Russia;  and  for  the  same  reason,  the  ex- 
cess of  the  superiority  of  each.     These,  at  present, 
are  the  two  menacing  points;  and  every  thing  indi- 
cates the  importance  of  never  losing  sight  of  them. 
The  population  of  the  Netherlands,  though  in  a  re- 
sifi^d  circumference,  is  destined  to  acquire  very 
ereat  augfintations.    It  amounts  to  seven  millions  of 
inhabitants,  ^iit  as  this  country  is  the  seat  of  an  ex- 
cellent culture;  a^t^  takes  a  distinguished  part  in 
commerce;  and  as  itmtains  vast  spaces  still  unoc- 
cupied; the  population  ill  increase  by  these  three 
causes.  (^ 


51 

Europe  becomes  every  day  more  commercial.  This 
is  so  much  sure  gain  for  the  Dutch  genius,  which  is 
eminently  commercial.  America  will  offer,  every 
year  new  commercial  advantages;  advantages  of 
Mhich  it  is  impossible  to  assign  the  term,  and  of 
Xvhich  the  Dutch  will  participate  largely.  The  gene- 
ral commerce  takes  the  direction  of  the  north :  Hol- 
land is  upon  its  passage,  placed  in  the  centre  of  Eu- 
rope; it  must  therefore  enjoy  the  profits  of  the  north 
and  of  the  south.  The  increase  of  the  Dutch  com- 
merce is,  therefore,  very  certain;  and  that  of  its  popu- 
lation, as  its  necessary  consequence;  for  the  one  can- 
not advance  w  ithout  the  other. 

From  the  gates  of  Antwerp,  and  from  those  of  Ber- 
gen op  Zoom  to  the  Meuse,  and  from  tlie  Yssel  to 
the  Ems,  vast  spaces  extend,  as  yet  scarcely  visited 
by  cultivation,  and  w  hich  are  void  of  inhabitants;  but 
Mhich  will  not  always  be  able  to  elude  the  action  of 
wealth  and  of  population.  Essays  are  made  every 
day;  establishments  are  formed;  encouragements  are 
given  by  the  government;  a  gradual  conversion  can- 
not fail  to  be  made  of  these  moors  into  fertile  fields; 
under  the  able  and  laborious  hands  of  the  same  men, 
some  of  whom  have  redeemed  from  the  sands,  and 
others  from  the  sea,  the  animated  scenes  of  cultiva- 
tion and  fertility,  which  present  so  cheerful  an  aspect 
throughout  Belgium  and  Holland.  A  numerous  po- 
pulation will  here  find  the  means  of  subsistence.  The 
population  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  cannot 
therefore,  fail  to  increase  greatly,  and  in  as  great  a 
ratio,  at  least,  as  that  of  all  the  countries  that  environ 
it;  for  it  is  a  truth,  no  one  can  deny,  that  population 
is  on  the  increase  in  tvery  part  of  Europe.    This  re- 


52 

suit  seems  incredible,  after  five-and-twenty  years  of 
continual  and  terrible  wars:  it  is,  however,  not  the 
less  certain:  it  flashes  in  the  eyes  of  all  who  do  not 
wilfully  close  them:  it  is  manifest  at  every  step,  by 
the  increase  of  cities  and  villages;  by  structures  that 
rise  in  every  part  of  the  country. 

This  result  overwhelms  with  confusion  and  despair 
a  class  of  men  who  would  that  the  revolution  had 
been  a  box  of  Pandora,  and  a  tomb  excavated  by  her 
for  the  human  race.  In  their  despair  at  not  being  able 
to  reproach  it  with  the  destruction  of  the  species, 
they  will,  at  least,  enjoy  the  pleasure  of  reproaching 
it  with  having  diminished  its  numbers. 

However  unpleasant  it  may  be  to  have  to  deny 
them  this  gratification,  yet  it  cannot  be  conceded 
them;  and  they  must  learn  that  in  the  whole  course  of 
the  revolution,  population  has  not  ceased  to  increase; 
that  the  revolution  repaired  by  active  though  imper- 
ceptible means,  what  it  consumed  on  the  other  hand. 

However  numerous  and  repeated  the  hecatombs  of 
the  human  race  which  have  been  sacrificed  during  so 
many  years  of  blood,  still  the  result  has  disappointed 
all  calculations  in  favour  of  humanity.  The  reason 
is,  that  of  late  years  war  and  its  scourges  have  not 
acted  uncontrolled ;  superabundant  compensations 
were  furnished  by  a  better  civilization;  which  has 
given  the  means  of  repairing  and  even  of  overbalan- 
cing the  losses  experienced  in  other  respects. 

Too  much  has  been  insisted  on  the  multiplication 
of  marriages  produced  by  the  laws  of  the  revolution, 
and  the  precautions  taken  by  each  against  war.  As- 
suredly this  cause  has  not  been  without  some  effect, 
but  as  it  has  not  acted  equally  in  all  the  countries 


53 

where  the  same  increase  of  population  is  manifest: 
to  arrive  at  a  solution,  recourse  must  be  had  to  a 
cause  which,  by  its  generality,  is  of  a  nature  to  ope- 
rate equally  every  where;  tind  this  cause  cannot  be 
found  but  in  civilization.  The  progress  of  the  one 
can  be  measured  by  that  of  the  other;  a  certain  proof 
of  their  filiation. 

The  countries  of  Europe  in  which  civilization  is 
least  advanced,  have  participated  in  this  progress;  but 
only  in  proportion  to  their  respective  degrees  of  civi- 
lization. Civilized  nations  have  acquired  a  know- 
ledge of  all  that  tends  to  promote  the  salubrity  of  ha- 
bitations, of  food,  and  of  clothing;  these  three  great 
means  of  the  preservation  of  the  species ;  the  curative 
inethods,  better  conceived,  have  become  more  con 
formable  to  nature ;  and  scourges  of  a  nature  to  deci- 
mate humanity  have  been  arrested;  and  almost  de- 
stroyed in  their  germ;  death  has  been  driven  from 
this  vast  field  of  his  cruel  harvests ;  better  attentions 
given  to  infancy  have  preserved  it  from  serious  evils ; 
competence  has  been  diffused;  lucrative  occupations 
have  multiplied;  heavy  weights  have  been  retrenched 
from  the  burdens  supported  by  the  people  of  the 
different  states ;  vast  properties  in  lands  have  been 
divided  among  colonies  of  new  proprietors;  which 
have  become  under  the  hands  of  persons  interested  in 
the  success  of  their  cultivation,  nurseries  of  men  and 
granaries  for  their  subsistence ;  thus  that  which  had 
furnished  the  luxury  of  one  only,  has  become  the 
means  of  subsistence  for  a  hundred.  To  this  assem- 
blage of  causes  is  to  be  attributed  the  increase  of  po- 
pulation which  war  has  not  been  able  to  arrest;  causes 
which,  in  the  future  absence  of  war,  that  may  be 

K 


54 

hoped  with  confidence,  when  all  the  social  relations 
will  no  longer  suJBer  interruption,  cannot  fail  to  operate 
with  redoubled  energy ;  and  will  carry  the  population 
of  this  part  of  the  globe  to  a  maximum  that  cannot 
be  calculated.  This  is  what  renders  so  vain  the  ter- 
rors betrayed  by  some  governments  and  some  writers, 
at  the  existence  of  some  trivial  emigrations  that  are 
perceptible  in  certain  countries;  as  if  the  absence  of 
an  hundred  thousand  men  would  create  a  chasm  in 
the  whole  population  of  Europe;  as  if  these  hundred 
thousand  men,  transplanted  in  other  climates,  did  not 
take  with  them  the  tastes  of  Europe,  and  thereby  esta- 
blish relations,  the  maintenance  of  which  require  more 
hands,  and  consequently  an  increase  of  population; 
as  if  a  consumer  in  one  country  did  not  instantly 
create  a  producer  in  another;  as  if  the  inhabitants 
which  Europe  has  furnished  the  new  world,  in  the 
course  of  the  last  three  centuries,  had  not  contributed 
by  their  commercial  correspondence  to  the  augmen- 
tation of  European  population.  Ten  millions,  five- 
and-twenty  millions  of  consumers  in  America,  must 
have  occasioned  the  birth  of  as  many  producers  in 
Europe.  Such  are  the  secret  ties,  concealed,  as  it 
were,  in  the  gauzy  tissue  of  society,  which  it  is  es- 
sential to  trace,  in  order  to  appreciate  truly  what 
passes  in  their  bosom,  and  to  prevent  the  errors  that 
will  deceive  those  who  judge  only  from  appearances. 


55 


PRUSSIA. 

As  placed  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  Prussia 
stretches  one  of  her  arms  to  the  gates  of  Thionville, 
upon  the  Moselle,  and  the  other  to  Memel,  upon  the 
Niemen,  the  frontier  of  Russia;  the  body  that  should 
unite  these  two  members  is  to  be  sought  for. 

There  are  tliree  Prussias ;  the  first  in  Poland,  the 
second  in  Germany,  the  third  between  the  Meuse  and 
Rhine.  The  first  is  extended  along  the  Russian  fron- 
tier, which  runs  upon  all  this  flank;  Russia  presses 
also  upon  her  front  in  Silesia ;  the  third  is  situated  at 
the  corner  of  France ;  there  is  nothing  compact,  with 
the  exception  of  the  German  part;  but  this  part  is 
separated  from  the  third  by  the  interposition  of  the 
sovereignties  of  Saxony,  of  Hanover,  and  of  Hesse. 
The  first  attack  of  Russia  would  separate  the  first 
part  from  the  body  of  the  monarchy;  which  would, 
besides,  be  held  in  check  upon  its  front  by  the  Rus* 
sian  armies  assembled  in  Poland ;  the  first  attack  of 
France  would  deprive  it  of  all  the  grand  duchy  of 
the  Rhine ;  and,  in  a  war  against  Austria,  Prussian 
Silesia  would  have  to  sustain  the  weight  of  all  the 
Austrian  power,  at  liberty  to  move  and  bear  upon  it 
from  all  the  points  of  that  monarchy ;  for  Austria  has 
no  dangerous  neighbour  either  in  Italy  or  in  Germany. 
It  is  plainly  impossible,  therefore,  to  accumulate  more 
embarrassments  than  Prussia  has  done;  or  to  comprise 


56 

a  greater  number  of  vulnerable  points.  Prussia  is, 
out  of  all  proportion,  too  feeble  against  each  of  the 
three  powers  in  her  immediate  vicinity,  Russia, 
France,  and  Austria. 

There  will  always  be  found,  therefore,  a  degree  of 
constraint  and  dependance  in  her  situation,  resulting 
from  the  inferiority  of  her  position ;  and  this  position, 
which  neither  permits  a  comj^iete  developement,  nor 
a  perfectly  free  action,  is  the  worst  of  all  for  a  great 
state.  Prussia,  in  future,  can  only  make  wars  of  al- 
liance, 1.  With  the  rest  of  Europe  against  Russia; 
2.  With  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  against 
France;  3.  With  Russia  against  Austria ;  but,  in  this 
case,  which  would  be  the  most  dangerous,  the  ally  or 
the  enemy? 

The  position  of  Prussia  is,  therefore,  absolutely 
false,  under  all  its  relations ;  and  this  disastrous  posi- 
tion is  the  effect,  1.  Of  the  invasion  of  Poland  by 
Russia;  2.  Of  the  sanction  given  it  by  the  congress 
of  Vienna.  The  augmentation  of  Russia  rendered 
still  more  evident  the  necessity  of  strengthening  Prus- 
sia ;  she  ought  not  to  be  found  in  a  state  inferior  to 
that  she  occupied  before  the  change ;  she  had  lost  al- 
most all  the  grand  duchy  of  Warsaw,  as  well  as  the 
Polish  part  of  Bialistok.  It  was  requisite  to  give  her, 
at  the  same  time,  an  indemnification  for  her  losses ; 
and  an  equivalent  for  the  augmentations  acquired  by 
Austria  and  Russia ;  there  were  but  two  means  of 
providing  them,  Saxony;  or  the  countries  vacant  be- 
tween the  Meuse  and  Rhine.  The  interest  of  Eu- 
rope designated  the  choice  of  the  first  as  an  exigency 
of  primary  necessity  for  the  general  security ;  drop- 
ping from  what  clouds  1  know  not,  legitimacy  caused 


57 

it  to  fall  upon  the  countries  of  the  Rhine ;  thus  the 
whole  policy  of  Europe  acquired  a  false  bias.  France 
will  have  to  reproach  herself  eternally  for  the  efforts 
she  made  in  tliis  circumstance ;  the  mistake  aimed  its 
first  blow  at  her ;  she  has  already  felt  its  effects,  and 
she  will  encounter  them  often.  The  duchy  of  the 
Rhine  will  make  Prussia  for  France  what  Silesia  had 
made  her  for  Austria.  How,  in  these  moments  of 
lasting  importance,  when  it  was  a  question  of  found- 
ing the  liberties  of  Europe,  of  fortifying  its  approaches 
against  the  dangers  that  soon  or  late  will  infallibly 
arrive  from  the  direction  of  the  North,  how  was  it 
possible  to  hesitate  a  moment?  A  more  fatal  disre- 
gard of  the  common  safety  could  never  have  been, 
committed. 

This  preponderant  influence  of  Russia  is  already 
seen.  She  has  already  filled  the  place  of  France,  with 
respect  to  Europe.  If  her  sovereign  spreads  the  veil 
of  his  personal  virtues  over  the  dangers  of  his  power, 
and  tempers  the  excess  of  the  one  by  the  greatness  of 
the  others,  the  preponderance  exists  not  the  less;  the 
instrument  is  created,  and  the  common  fate  will  de- 
pend on  the  employment  the  hands,  into  which  it  may 
happen  to  fall,  may  please  to  make  of  it:  an  alarming 
perspective,  whose  dangers  should  have  been  diverted 
at  any  sacrifice  !  Prussia  is  the  first  exposed  to  sus- 
tain the  weight  of  the  Russian  power.  The  first  blow 
wiJl  inevitably  fall  upon  her.  Berlin  is  only  a  few 
leagues  from  the  Russian  frontiers.  Royal  Prusuia  is 
a  sort  of  wedge  locked  in  by  Russia.  In  any  war  be- 
tween the  two  states,  this  country  would  be  taken  by 
the  rear,  together  with  all  that  should  attempt  to  defend 
it.     The   Prussian  fortresses,   upon   the  Oder,  are 


58 

■small,  aiid  would  be  masked  by  a  part  of  the  Russian 
armies,    whilst  the  others  marched  to  the  capital. 

Prussia  cannot,  therefore,  defend  herself  with  her 
own  means,  against  Russia;  consequently,  on  this  side, 
Europe  is  unprotected.  In  case  of  war  against  Rus- 
sia, Prussia  would  act  with  the  confederation  of  Lower 
Germany,  Hesse,  Hanover,  and  Mecklenburgh.  But 
will  the  bond  of  this  confederation  have  the  same  force 
in  all  its  parts?  Will  the  associates  all  feel  an  equal 
interest  ?  Will  it  not  be  enfeebled  or  swerved  by  dis- 
sensions, by  fears,  by  the  difference  of  the  proximity 
of  dangers,  by  affinities  with  the  common  enemy  ? 
for  Russia  has  penetrated  into  the  secondary  courts  of 
Germany;  and  labours  to  establish  herself  there  by 
alliances  which  cannot  fail  to  be  courted,  as  those  of- 
fered by  the  family  of  Napoleon  were,  and  would 
have  been  more  and  more,  already  very  forward  in 
German  alliances:  policy,  soothed  the  murmurs  of 
pride,  and  power  imposed  silence  on  the  laws  of  he- 
raldry, so  dear  to  Germany. 

Prussia,  to  be  in  a  condition  to  guard,  effectually, 
the  avenues  of  Germany  against  Russia,  must  be  sus- 
tained by  France  and  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands. 
These  two  states  compose  the  reserve  of  Europe 
against  Russia,  and  her  van-guard  against  England; 
but  the  neighbourhood  of  Prussia  will  always  more  or 
less  affect  France,  in  a  manner  to  deprive  her  alliance, 
which  can  only  exist  in  extreme  cases,  of  that  entire 
frankness  and  alacrity  of  succour,  that  distance  would 
have  secured  on  her  part.  This  succour,  therefore,  no 
longer  refers  to  Prussia,  but  to  the  barrier  against 
Russia.  On  the  separation  of  France  and  of  Prussia, 
by  great  distances,  depended  the  alliance  of  the  two 


59 

states;  and  their  alienation  is  found  inseparable  from 
their  approach.  In  policy,  would  you  produce  union? 
Separate;  place  far  apart.  Would  you  create  sepa- 
ration?    Approach. 

This  is  what  has  been  done  for  Prussia,  with  re- 
spect to  France,  by  giving  her  an  establishment  at 
the  gates  of  the  latter. 

France,  also,  has  soon  had  a  foretaste  of  the  sweets 
of  this  neighbourhood,  in  the  demand  of  Sarrelouis, 
It  was  natural  that  Prussia  should  covet  it,  and  vast- 
ly more.  She  has  been  placed  by  the  side  of  France, 
under  the  cannon  of  French  fortresses,  without  any 
defensive  point;  it  was  altogether  natural  that  she 
should  desire  to  acquire  some  point  of  support  against 
a  first  attack;  and  Sarrelouis  could  not  be  refused,  at  a 
time  when  intreaties  had  become  necessary  to  save 
the  bridge  of  Jena.*  France  began  to  feel  there  all 
the  extent  of  the  fault  committed  at  Vienna;  by  the 
high  protection  openly  granted  to  Saxony,  and  by  the 
application  of  an  abstraction,  mtruded  into  this  affair. 

Prussia  beyond,  or  Prussia  on  this  side  of  the  Rhine, 
is  no  longer  the  same  power,  in  regard  to  France;  and 
this  fatal  transposition  has  left  them  both  without  sin- 
cere allies ;  for,  unable  to  employ  them  mutually,  they 
both  equally  want  them.  France  could  have  no  other 
ally  but  Prussia :  and,  on  her  part,  Prussia  could  have 
no  other  than  France.  Their  juxtaposition  has  dis- 
solved the  cement  that  had  united  them. 

This  partition  of  Prussia  is  so  vicious  in  itself,  that 
it  appears  to  be  one  of  the  obstacles  to  which  this 
state  owes  its  inability  to  enjoy  the  constitution  which 

*  A  new  bridge  over  the  Seine. 


60 

had  been  promised  it.  The  distance  of  places  are 
alleged,  and  the  differences  they  establish  between 
interests  and  manners  ;  no  greater  correspondence  is 
found  to  exist  between  the  inhabitants  of  Treves  and 
Aix-la-Chapelle ;  than  there  was  between  those  of 
Hamburgh  and  of  Rome,  whom  Napoleon  brought 
together  at  Paris ;  and  even  in  this  case,  the  moral 
alienation  was  much  less  considerable ;  for,  by  the 
State  of  civilization,  the  relations  between  Hamburgh 
and  Rome,  are  much  more  numerous  than  they  can 
be  between  Elbing  and  Treves.  In  this  arrangement, 
therefore,  of  the  Prussian  monarchy,  all  has  been  in- 
considerateness,  danger  for  Europe,  and  privation  of 
strength  for  itself.  Succeeding  ages  will  feel  its  weight, 
and  will  reproach  the  congress  with  its  consequences. 

Before  this  political  subversion,  the  direction  of 
Prussia  consisted,  1.  In  opposition  to  Austria;  2.  In 
the  protection  of  the  Protestant  league  in  Germany ; 
or  rather  in  the  protection  of  Germany  itself  against 
Austria;  3.  In  alliance  with  France.  The  latter  de- 
parted from  it  in  the  war  of  1756,  but  to  her  great 
disadvantage. 

In  the  actual  state  of  things  all  is  changed ;  it  is 
no  longer  against  Austria  that  there  can  be  any  ne- 
cessity of  defence,  but  against  Russia ;  it  is  no  longer 
Silesia,  but  Europe,  that  should  be  the  object  of  soli- 
citude. Dangers  are  augmented,  and  have  changed 
place ;  they  have  substituted  the  necessity  of  alliance 
for  that  of  enmity ;  Prussia  and  Austria  are  invited  by 
an  equal  and  common  interest  to  oppose  Russia; 
whatever  the  one  might  lose,  by  strengthening  Rus- 
sia, the  other  would  lose  with  her :  the  weakening  of 
the  one  ^vould  be  that  of  the  other,  and  always  to  the 


jMofit  of  the  common  enemy.  His  presence  upon  the 
frontiers  of  the  two  powers  has  rendered  necessary  to 
each  other,  and  inseparable,  these  ancient  rivals. 

Austria  will  no  more  attempt  invasions  upon  the 
Germanic  body ;  no  future  wars  of  Bavaria  will  be 
seen.  It  would  be  only  in  case  of  a  violent  eruption 
of  ambition  on  the  part  of  Austria,  a  case  not  proba- 
ble, that  Prussia  v\  ould  have  to  separate  from  her : 
until  then  she  ought  to  make  it  her  chief  study 
to  strengthen  the  ties  which  attach  her  to  this  state. 

Since  the  war  of  1756,  Prussia  has  always  acted 
in  concert  with  the  states  of  lower  Germany,  royal 
Saxony  excepted.  Brunswick,  Mechlenburgh,  Hano- 
ver, the  states  of  Hesse,  the  ducal  houses  of  Saxony, 
haA-e  always  marched  by  her  side.  This  alliance  is 
of  a  nature  capable  of  maintaining  itself,  though  at- 
tacked by  principles  of  dissolution  of  later  date.  Since 
1795,  Prussia,  by  virtue  of  the  treaty  of  Basle,  covered 
all  these  states  by  the  line  of  demarcation ;  thereby 
rendering  them  an  important  service ;  for  these  states 
enjoyed  seven  years  of  peace  amidst  the  conflagration 
©f  the  rest  of  Germany. 

Prussia  numbers  a  population  of  twelve  millions  of 
inhabitants.  This  population  will  experience  great 
augmentation,  from  the  same  causes  which  are  pro- 
pelling that  of  all  the  countries  of  Europe.  This 
increase  will  take  place  principally  upon  the  Prussian 
coasts  of  the  Baltic;  destined  to  become  the  centre 
of  an  immense  commerce,  especially  by  the  revolu- 
tion of  America. 

This  part  of  Prussia  must  inevitably  take  a  great 
part  in  it.  Besides,  she  possesses  great  tracts  of 
uncultivated  lands  in  all  the  extent  of  country  situated 


62 

between  the  Rhine  and  the  Oder.  The  weahh  pro- 
duced by  the  extension  of  commerce  will  change 
these  deserts  into  fertile  fields;  and  consequently 
cover  them  with  a  numerous  population. 

In  time  the  Prussian  population  will  rise  very  high, 
without  however  rivalling  that  of  the  great  states  in 
its  vicinity,  Austria,  Russia  and  France;  which  depart 
from  points  much  more  elevated. 

Prussia  is  a  nursery  of  excellent  soldiers ;  taken  as 
a  whole,  this  state  forms  a  species  of  military  school. 
The  division  of  its  parts  will  require  that  also  of  its 
forces;  and,  consequently,  compel  it  to  continue  them 
upon  a  more  considerable  establishment  than  a  greater 
compactness  of  its  territory  would  have  demanded. 
Prussia  has  to  make  head  upon  three  principal  points; 
Russia,  Austria,  and  France.  Concentration  is  no 
more  possible  in  her  arm}"  than  in  her  territory.  This 
army  must  serve  her  instead  of  fortresses ;  be  present 
at  the  same  time  every  where;  and  consequently  must 
be  very  numerous.  As  it  will  have  to  guard  on  all 
sides,  and  as  the  multiplicity  of  points  of  contact 
multiplies  the  occasions  of  contest,  it  must  be  alw^ays 
prepared  to  march.  The  armies  of  other  states,  more 
secure  in  their  neighbourhood,  have  more  chances 
of  stability  and  of  repose.  The  maintenance  of  so 
numerous  an  army  will  occasion  a  burdensome  ex- 
pense to  Prussia.  She  is  not  opulent;  her  greatest 
wealth  is  her  economy;  and  it  will  be  impossible  for 
her  to  make  war  without  subsidies.  In  the  ancient 
system  they  came  alternately  from  France  or  from 
England,  but  especially  from  the  latter;  who  has 
always  more  money  than  soldiers  to  gi\'e  the  conti- 
nent.    It  follows  from  this  statement  that  Prussia  is 


63 

not  to  be  envied  the  advantages  which  the  Congress 
of  Vienna  has  conceded  her;  for  they  involve  great 
embaiTassments,  and  of  a  nature  to  impede  her  action 
continually.  They  condemn  this  power  to  a  state  of 
eternal  vigilance,  and  an  attitude  of  defence  against 
all;  subject  herself  to  the  umbrage  of  all;  for  her 
want  of  acquisitions  is  so  evident,  that  she  may  always 
be  supposed  to  hope  or  covet  them.  It  is  by  its 
nature  an  expectant  power. 


64 


AUSTRIA. 

What   dangers  has  not  Austria   encountered, 
during  the  tempest  of  twenty  years    she  has  sus- 
tained!    What  toils  has  she  not  endured  before  she 
was  permitted  to  repose  in  the  haven  she  is  seen  to 
occupy!     What  a  vigorous  body,  and  what  constan- 
cy!    Her  resources  have  seemed  to  increase  in  pro- 
portion as  her  territory  was  restricted;  she  had  the 
appearance  of  acquiring,  or  rather  of  receiving,  instead 
of  losing.     The  peace  of  Presburgh   deprived  her 
of  the  Venetian  state,  the  Tyrol,  of  all  her  insulated 
possessions  in  Suabia,  in  Brisgaw,  and  in  Switzerland: 
she  appeared  at  Wagram  stronger  than  before.     The 
peace  of  Vienna  finally  despoils  her  of  a  part  of  her 
ancient  domains,  and  gives  her  for  neighbour  the 
kingdom  of  Illyria,  composed  of  her  shreds;  far  from 
being  dejected,  she  reappeared  in  the  coalition  with 
new  and  more  numerous  forces.     It  might  be  said 
that  her  fields  are  sown  with  the  teeth  of  that  dragon 
which  caused  the  earth  to  yield  harvests  of  weapons 
and  of  warriors.     War  appeared  to  be  her  element; 
her  territory  a  manufactory  of  men ;  and  her  breast  to 
be  covered  by  a  cuirass  impenetrable  to  adversity. 
A  solitary  example  in  the  world  of  the  force  of  per- 
severance and  of  habit.     Austria  owes  nothing  to 
genius,*  which  seems  to  inspire  her  with  fear  still 

•  'I'he  present  emperor  of  Austria  excels  princi|)ally  in  the  manufacture  of 
scaling  wax  ;  which  is  said  to  have  been  his  occupalion  when  the  French  wer« 
at  tJie  gates  of  Vienna,  \a  the  war  w  hicii  tcimlnate.l  in  th.  snrremler  of  Maria 
Louisa. 


6S 

more  than  with  desire.  Imagination  neither  sustains, 
nor  torments  her :  but  in  a  graci'ual  movement  like . 
that  of  time,  without  shock  as  without  parade;  with- 
out precipitation  as  without  noise ;  as  a  man,  who 
by  travelHng  each  day  a  hmited  distance,  would  not 
the  less  accomplish,  at  length,  his  vc^'age  round  the 
world;  so  Austria  in  continual  action,  though  slow, 
tends  to  one  object,  never  loses  sight  of  it,  and  final- 
ly attains  it.  Better  fitted  to  blunt  the  ;shafts  of  ad- 
versity, than  to  create  the  chances  which  become  the 
sources  of  great  prosperity.  Austria  conducts  her 
affairs  with  the  quiet  modesty  of  private  fortunes;  and 
like  them,  her  fortunes  flourish  when  some  more  bril- 
liant, sink  and  disappear.  Her  territory  is  immense; 
the  material  of  her  power,  without  known  limits,  in- 
exhaustible in  men,  in  horses,  in  means  of  subsis- 
tence ;  insensible  to  a  state  of  finances  which  else- 
where would  compromise  the  state ;  moving  in  penu- 
ry, as  others  in  abundance;  she  pursues  her  march 
through  these  aberrations,  without  declension,  as  with- 
out amendment. 

The  stability  which  is  found  in  the  state,  is  met 
also  in  the  ranks  of  society ;  even  ambition  is  regular 
and  shuns  the  sallies,  or  the  splendour,  of  which  the  ex- 
amples are  so  common  elsewhere :  all  its  routes  are 
traced  by  the  line;  and  in  this  career,  as  in  other  coun- 
tries upon  the  roads,  the  miles  may  be  counted. 

Austria  is  a  country  of  order,  formed  by  habit. 
Manners  have  created  it;  they  sustain  it;  and,  the  ac- 
tivity with  which  the  blood  circulates  in  this  country, 
does  not  menace  it. 

During  three  hundred  years  Austria  has  been  al- 
most always  in  arms.     The  greatest  reven.es  were 


66 

always  for  her  a  prelude  to  the  greatest  prosperity, 
and  the  introduction  to  an  augmentation  of  power. 
The  protestant  league  and  the  Swedes  attack  her,  and 
cause  her  to  tremble;  Ferdinand  II.  re-establishes 
her  solidity,  and  restores  her  the  domination  of  Ger- 
many. 

The  Hungarians  and  Turks  dismember,  and  pre- 
pare to  crush  her ;  they  are  before  Vienna;  and,  from 
this  point  of  depression,  Leopold  sets  out  to  balance 
and  check  the  fortune  of  Louis  XIV.  Maria  Theresa 
is,  at  one  moment,  without  the  patrimony  of  her  fa- 
thers, and  without  a  refuge ;  a  few  years  after,  she 
overshadowed  vast  countries  with  a  majestic  and  for- 
midable figure.  Three  times  in  tlie  space  of  ten  years, 
her  grandson  saw  his  capital  menaced,  or  rather  in- 
vaded; Belgium  escapes  from  his  grasp;  Venice, 
given  for  its  ransom ;  the  Milanese,  and  the  ancient 
inheritances  of  his  fathers,  are  taken  from  him;  four 
years  after,  all  is  reconquered,  garnished  by  precious 
accessories;  so  great  in  Austria  is  the  force  of  perse- 
vering- regularity  ;  and  that  of  a  soil  exuberant  in  pro- 
ductions. 

It  is  the  union  of  these  different  elements  which 
constitutes  the  robust  temperament  of  Austria.  Who- 
ever purposes  to  contest  her,  should  commence  by 
reflecting  that  he  will  find  men  immoveable  in  their 
line ;  insensible  to  adversit}-,  over  whom  it  has  no 
more  power  than  imagination;  and  a  soil  inexhausti- 
ble, that  will  furnish  the  exigencies  of  a  long  contest; 
and  that  he  will  have  to  combat  at  once  both  nature 
and  men.  This  consideration  induced  Frederic  II. 
to  conclude  the  peace  of  Hubertsburgh;  struck,  as  a 
man  of  his  genius  must  have  been,  at  seeing  op- 


67 

posed  to  him,  after  seven  years  of  defeats,  the  new 
armies  of  Maria  Theresa,  more  firmly  constituted  than 
those  with  which  he  had  strewn  so  many  fields  of 
battle. 

When,  since  1800,  France  had  become  the  domi- 
nant power  in  the  west  of  Europe,  Austria,  apprized 
by  costly  experience  of  the  dangers  of  contact  with 
this  giant,  embraced  the  system  called  oriental; 
that  is  to  say,  that  of  keeping  at  a  distance  from 
France,  and  from  every  place  subject  to  her  influence, 
to  fortify  herself  on  the  side  of  Turkey.  The  return 
of  the  ancient  system,  in  consequence  of  the  reduc- 
tion of  France  within  her  ancient  limits,  has  brought 
Austria  back  to  her  former  policy;  that  of  extending 
herself  in  Italy  by  the  entire  renunciation  of  Belgium. 
By  the  peace  of  Vienna  in  1809,  the  frontier  of  Aus- 
tria had  been  restricted  to  the  Inn,  in  Germany,  on 
the  side  of  Bavaria;  and  to  the  Saave,  on  the  side  of 
Ital}^;  she  lost  the  Tyrol  and  Saltzburgb,  united  to 
Bavaria.  This  state  became  stronger  than  it  had 
ever  been ;  it  thus  acquired  a  defensive  bamer  against 
Austria.  The  creation  of  the  kingdom  of  Westpha- 
lia, of  the  grand  duchy  of  Frankfort,  and  the  confe- 
deration of  the  Rhine,  had  excluded  Austria  from  the 
policy  of  Germany. 

All  this  has  disappeared  in  a  day ;  and,  with  the 
exception  of  some  vain  titles,  and  a  few  inconsidera- 
ble domains,  Austria  has  resumed  her  ancient  exist- 
ence in  Germany. 

From  the  moment  the  Germanic  empire  was  creat- 
ed anew,  she  necessarily  resumed  her  ancient  place ; 
consequently,  as  before  the  change,  she  occupies  all 
the  space  comprehended  between  the  lake  of  Con- 


68 

stance  and  the  gates  of  Belgrade ;  between  Alexan- 
dria upon  the  Tanaro  and  the  frontiers  of  Turkey. 
This  space  is  very  extensive,  peopled  by  inhabitants 
of  various  origin,  without  reciprocal  relations  or  af- 
fections. Austria  resembles  a  confederation  of  differ- 
ent states,  rather  than  a  single  state.  A  common  so- 
vereignty with  a  different  country;  where  the  prince 
and  the  subjects  are  united  by  a  common  tie,  which 
does  not  extend  to  the  subjects  between  themselves; 
thus  the  Hungarian  and  the  Italian  may  be  equally 
attached  to  the  sovereign  of  Austria,  without  the 
mutual  connexion  which  exists  between  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Bohemia  and  of  Austria. 

The  population  of  Austria  amounts  to  thirty  mil- 
lions of  inhabitants.  This  equals  that  of  France,  and 
exceeds  what  Austria  has  ever  possessed.  This  po- 
pulation is  destined  to  increase  greatly,  especially  in 
all  the  Polish, Hungarian, and  Sclavonian  parts;  which 
offer  great  vacant  tracts,  in  which  the  means  of  sub- 
sistence are  very  abundant.  The  population  of  Aus- 
tria being  entirely  continental,  can  only  increase  by 
agriculture;  whose  effects  are  always  less  rapid  than 
those  of  commerce  and  of  navigation.  Besides,  Aus- 
tria will  participate  less  directly  in  die  advantages  of 
the  emancipation  of  America ;  because  she  has  but  a 
small  number  of  ports;  which,  besides,  are  situated 
upon  a  sea  remote  from  the  route  of  the  great  com- 
merce. The  name  of  gulph  is  well  applied  to  the 
Adriatic;  as  if  to  apprize  that  it  is  not  to  be  consider- 
ed altogether  as  a  sea.  It  seems  to  exist  chiefly  for 
the  inhabitants  of  its  shores;  and  Austria  occupies 
only  a  part  of  it. 

The  protectorate  of  Corfu,  and  the  other  Ionian 


69 

islands,  having,  in  reality,  given  these  islands  to  Eng- 
land ;  this  position  being  supported  by  that  of  Malta, 
approj^riates  the  Adriatic  to  England,  and  renders  it, 
in  effect,  an  English  roadstead. 

Austria  is  mistress  of  Italy.  Venice,  the  Milanese, 
the  Alexandrin,  are  her  immediate  domains.  Parma 
must  revert  to  her;  an  Austrian  prince  reigns  in  Tus- 
cany ;  another  is  expected  at  Modena ;  is  not  this  be- 
ing completely  the  master  in  Italy  ?  for,  in  comparison 
with  this,  the  few  other  powers  which  exist  there  are 
as  nothing.  Austria  has  taken,  therefore,  in  this  coun- 
try the  place  recently  occupied  by  France ;  in  this 
great  change,  there  has  only  been  a  transportation  of 
the  seat  of  power  from  the  shores  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean to  those  of  the  Adriatic ;  the  only  remarkable 
difference  is,  that  the  French  occupation  did  not  ex- 
clude a  great  Italian  power,  such  as  resulted  from  the 
creation  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy;  the  certain  prelude 
of  a  more  extensive  creation,  that  of  all  Italy  in  a  sin- 
gle sovereignty ;  the  French  sovereignty  momentarily 
exercised  over  Italy,  prepared  the  eternal  liberty  of  the 
Italians,  by  causing  it  to  be  known  and  valued  in  this 
beautiful  region ;  on  the  contrary,  the  Austrian  domi- 
nation confirms  its  annihilation,  and  gives  to  the  depen- 
dance  of  Italy  the  seal  of  eternity.  By  this  the  ancient 
tomb  that  began  to  open  has  been  closed  anew;  by 
this,  the  country  which  held  the  world  in  chains,  is 
sentenced  to  bear  eternally  the  yoke  of  others. 

The  sacrifice  of  Italy,  of  this  so  illustrious,  so  in- 
teresting a  portion  of  Europe,  so  full  of  monuments 
and  recollections,  what  claims  has  it  not  upon  every 
breast  friendly  to  the  order  of  human  society,  and 
sensible  to  the  woes  of  humanity! 

M 


70 

This  unfortunate  country  has  been,  of  late,  the 
theatre  of  great  violations  of  this  nature.  If  this  in- 
vasion of  nations,  and  giving  them  for  the  benefit  of 
strangers,  would  admit  of  excuse,  it  could  only  be 
that  of  the  necessity  of  strengthening  Austria  against 
Russia;  which  should  also  be  done  for  Prussia,  since 
the  pressure  against  both  is  equal;  efforts  are  required 
to  render  their  burden  less  oppressive,  and  to  give 
them  the  means  to  guard  more  effectually  the  avenues 
of  Europe ;  for,  henceforth,  this  charge  will  devolve 
on  these  two  powers. 

To  this  fatal  augmentation,  therefore,  of  Russia,  it 
is  always  necessary  to  return  whenever  any  disorder 
in  the  establishment  of  continental  Europe  is  per- 
ceived; it  is  felt  in  Italy  as  in  Germany;  in  the  king- 
dom of  the  Netherlands  as  in  the  Milanese.  It  has 
deranged  every  thing  in  the  political  system;  and  as 
in  the  shock  of  bodies,  the  first  impulse  communi- 
cates itself  to  all  the  chain  of  contiguous  bodies  in 
swift  succession;  so  in  the  new  order  of  Europe,  the 
steps  made  by  Russia  towards  the  centre  of  this  re- 
gion, have  forced  Austria  and  Prussia  to  make  cor- 
respondent movements  on  their  part.  All  has  become 
displaced  in  consequence  of  a  primary  combination 
incompatible  with  the  good  order  of  the  rest. 

The  enmities  of  Austria  against  France  and  Prus- 
sia are  at  an  end;  the  enemy  is  no  longer  on  this  side; 
the  enmities  between  powers  exist  not  in  hearts,  but 
in  interests. 

At  this  day  Francis  I.  and  Charles  V.  would  be 
seen  to  embrace;  as  also  Frederic  and  the  emperor 
Joseph;  because  all  the  motives  of  their  ancient  ha- 
treds are  dissipated  and  replaced  by  very  active  mo- 


71 

tives  of  union.  There  is  no  longer  an  Austi'ian  Bel- 
gium, no  longer  a  house  of  Austria  controlling  the 
Germanic  bod}';  France  has  no  longer,  therefore,  rea- 
son to  fear  Austria;  in  Italy,  the  state  of  Piedmont 
and  the  Alps  are  two  barriers  fitted  to  continue  their 
interests  widely  separated.  All  the  causes  of  their 
ancient  divisions  have,  therefore,  disappeared.  Prus- 
sia, on  her  part,  has  nothing  to  demand  of  Austria ; 
the  saying  of  Joseph,  "  there  is  ?io  longer  a  Silesia^^^ 
has  been  realized;  it  is  become  the  axiom  of  Austria. 
On  the  side  of  Austria,  Prussia  will,  in  future,  only 
have  to  preserve  what  she  has  acquired.  She  could 
not  attack  her  without  rendering  herself  more  feeble 
against  Russia.  Single,  she  can  effect  nothing  against 
Austria;  will  she  form  alliance  with  Russia?  but 
would  not  this  enormous  fault  be  punished  instantly 
by  the  desertion,  as  by  the  reproaches  of  all  Germany, 
and  of  the  rest  of  Europe ;  to  whom  she  would  be 
justly  responsible  for  the  diminution  of  sti'ength  that 
would  result  from  this  desertion  of  the  general  inter- 
ests, in  favour  of  the  common  enemy ! 

It  cannot  be  doubted  that,  in  future,  all  connexion 
with  Russia  will  have  the  appearance  of  a  conspiracy 
against  the  rest  of  Europe ;  and  should  Prussia  ever 
unite  with  Russia  against  Austria,  this  combination 
will  be  attributed  to  the  darkest  recollections,  and  to 
the  most  sinister  projects. 

When  Turkey  yet  retained  some  energy,  she  gave 
occupation  to  Austi'ia;  as  Prussia  has  likewise  done^ 
since  the  former  has  been  eclipsed. 

From  the  time  of  Soliman  the  Great  to  the  days  of 
Maria  Theresa,  the  Turks  have  given  much  employ- 
ment to  Austria:  but.  sunk  iu  the  deepest  slumber, 


72 

obstinately  resisting  all  civilization,  and  all  progress  in 
the  human  understanding,  these  qidetists  are  no  lon- 
ger formidable  to  any.  There  is  one  way  only  to  have 
nothing  to  fear  from  them ;  this  is  never  to  set  foot 
amongst  them ;  for,  in  that  case,  they  would  be  seen 
like  the  Spaniards,  to  pass  from  this  profound  repose 
to  the  most  terrible  awakening.  Such  is  the  charac- 
ter of  Orientals  and  of  Africans,  A\'ho  never  go  from 
home  but  whom  it  is  also  temerity  to  visit. 

Italy  will  be  more  productive  for  Austria  in  tributes 
than  in  soldiers.  Her  exactions  will  not  be  made  in 
the  form  of  conscriptions;  a  strong  body  of  Italian 
troops  would  excite  her  distrust;  the  difference  of 
manners,  and  of  language,  would  present  obstacles  to 
the  incorporation,  with  utility,  of  Italians  in  Polish, 
German,  or  Hungarian  corps. 

This  intermixture  would  be  unnatural;  and  who 
would  not  commiserate  Italians  transplanted  upon  the 
ramparts  of  Temeswar,  and  Peters- Waradin;  with 
ears  accustomed  to  the  harrnonious  voices  of  Ausonia, 
compelled  to  listen  to  the  bowlings  of  Turks;  con- 
demned to  combat  with  Cossacs,  and  all  the  hordes 
that  flock  from  the  deserts  of  Scythia !  What  a  bar- 
barous transplantation!  What  a  cruel  destiny;  and 
how  can  we  refrain  from  commiserating,  from  the 
bottom  of  the  heart,  those  for  whom  it  may  be  re- 
served ! 


GERMAN  EMPIRE. 

This  ancient  empire  was  wrecked  during  the  wars 
of  Napoleon.  Austria  abandoned  a  tide,  which  had 
caused  her  much  vexation,  and  added  little  to  her  real 
power;  it  had  created  her  more  enemies  than  servants; 
and  as  the  sword  is  always  the  emblem  of  the  Cesars, 
this  empire  was  found  on  the  side  of  the  strongest 
sword;  consequently,  the  protector  of  the  confedera- 
tion of  the  Rhine  had  become,  in  reality,  the  regent  of 
the  new  German  empire.  This  confederation  extend- 
ed on  the  south,  from  the  Rhine  to  the  Inn;  on  the 
north,  from  the  Rhine  to  the  Elbe.  In  this  new  or- 
der, the  number  of  sovereignties  being  diminished, 
added  a  new  principle  of  strength:  those  which  re- 
mained had  become  more  important.  They  were 
more  compact,  as  w^ell  as  less  broken  by  including 
the  territory  of  others;  a  second  principle  of  strength 
and  of  peace.  No  mixture  of  Austrian  or  Prussian 
possessions  was  remarked  in  them:  and,  consequent- 
ly there  w^as  more  liberty  for  the  princes  of  these  dif- 
ferent states.  Austria  commenced  at  the  Inn,  and 
at  the  Saltza;  Prussia,  at  the  Elbe.  It  ceased  to  be 
as  in  times  past,  and  as  at  present,  when  these  pow- 
ers have  possessions  in  Germany  every  where,  and 
frontiers,  no  where.  The  kingdom  of  Westphalia;  the 
«Tand  dutchies  of  Francfort,  and  of  ^V"urtzburgh;  the 


74 

three  states,  of  Bavaria,  of  Baden,  and  of  Wurtem- 
burgh,  replaced  the  patch-work  of  sovereignties  that 
had  covered  Germany.  This  country  resembled  a 
garment  formed  of  shreds,  and  shaded  with  different 
colours.  By  the  confederation  of  the  Rhine,  this 
number  was  diminished,  and  the  tint  had  acquired 
uniformity.  Perhaps  even,  the  number  of  these  so- 
vereignties continued  still  too  great:  for  example,  the 
utility  of  a  grand  dutchy  of  Francfort  was  not  percep- 
tible; and  assuredly  its  creation  in  the  mind  of  Napo- 
leon had  more  reference  to  sentiments  of  personal  af-^ 
fection  for  him  he  invested  with  it,  than  to  a  real  po- 
litical combination:  a  mode  of  operation  of  infinite 
danger,  that  of  substituting  affections,  and  sentiments, 
to  calculations  of  political  order.  The  latter  being  of 
a  durable  nature,  admits  not  of  motives  whose  nature, 
on  the  contrary,  is  transitory  and  evanescent. 

The  confederation  had  scoured  Germany  of  a  resi- 
due of  its  anarchical  rust,  the  immediate  principali- 
ties: they  were  to  Germany,  what  the  exemptions 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  ordinaries  were  to  the  reli- 
gious order;  embaiTassments,  and  nothing  more. 
States,  such  as  those  of  Bavaria  and  of  Wurtemburgh, 
contributed  much  more  to  render  Germany  strong 
and  imposing;  than  a  congregation  of  nominal  princes, 
without  states,  without  subjects,  burdensome  to  the 
trivial  number  they  possessed;  whose  entire  existence 
referred  to  themselves,  without  any  relation  to  the 
public  order.  Nothing  in  the  world  was  less  inter- 
esting than  these  petty  princes.  Their  suppression 
meliorated  also  the  moral  state  of  Germany;  for  there- 
by numberless  causes  of  divisions  disappeared,  local 
siffections  diminished,  views  and  ideas  were  enlarged, 


75 

the  German  soil  became  more  the  soil  of  country. 
Commerce  gained  equally  by  this  suppression,  which 
is  cramped  by  narrow  limits,  and  prospers  most  in 
wide  spaces;  such  as  are  formed  by  great  sovereign- 
ties, enfranchised  from  the  multiplicity  of  barriers, 
raised  by  the  diversity  and  multiplicity  of  sovereign- 
ties. 

It  is  true  that  Austria  and  Prussia  had  disappeared 
from  the  German  confederation;  but  did  these  powers 
add  to  its  real  force?  Did  not  their  divisions  tend  to 
diminish  it?  By  their  constant  opposition,  had  they 
not  dissolved  the  ties  of  German  union;  were  not 
they  the  cause  that  in  Germany  there  were  no  longer 
Germans,  but  only  Prussians  and  Austrians;  and 
much  fewer  of  the  latter  than  of  the  former:  for  it  can- 
not be  disguised  that  the  gi'eatest  part  of  Germany 
leaned  towards  Prussia,  as  towards  its  point  of  support 
and  defence  against  Austria.  These  two  powers,  in- 
dependent of  the  empire,  did  they  consider  themselves 
as  existing  for  it,  in  the  same  degree  that  it  should 
exist  for  them?  Was  it  for  herself  that  each  of  them 
seemed  to  cling  to  it  still,  more  than  not  to  have  the 
appearance  of  yielding  it  to  others?  Thus  we  may 
measure  the  degree  of  interest  with  which  it  had  in- 
spired Austria,  by  the  willingness  she  discovered  to 
detach  from  it,  and,  as  it  were,  to  lay  down  the  em- 
pire: as  by  the  little  eagerness  she  has  shewn  to  re^ 
sume  the  burden  of  her  ancient  rank  in  Germany.  It 
might  be  asked,  though  the  solution  of  the  problem 
be  not  difficult,  if  a  collection  of  sovereigns  of  a  se- 
condary order,  had  a  greater  interest  in  submitting  to 
a  tutelage,  from  which  it  was  impossible,  in  any  case. 


76 

to  withdraw,  on  the  part  of  great  powers  agitating 
continually  in  the  midst  of  it ;  than  in  accepting  the 
protection  of  a  power  separated  from  it,  not  interfering 
with  its  interior,  and  having  no  direct  interest  with  it? 
The  latter  protection,  is  it  not,  by  its  nature,  more 
disinterested  and  more  personal  for  the  client? 

This  question  of  the  German  confederation  is  more 
complicated  than  it  seems  to  be,  at  the  first  glance.  It 
has  been  resolved  of  late,  in  the  same  manner  that 
so  many  others  have  been,  by  irritation,  or  by  incon- 
sideration;  both  bases  of  bad  calculations.  The  mi- 
litary and  contributive  dictatorship  of  Napoleon  would 
have  found  a  term:  it  was  not  of  a  nature  to  endure 
for  ever:  for  after  an  establishment  is  consolidated,  it 
is  not  natural  to  act,  as  at  the  moment  of  its  formation; 
when  fears  are  dissipated,  as  when  they  betray  them- 
selves on  all  sides;  when  the  edifice  is  completed,  as 
in  the  time  of  its  consruction.  Napoleon  was  building. 
He  associated  the  confederation  of  the  Rhine  to  his 
labours;  because  it  was  associated  to  his  general  sys- 
tem, and  was  to  share  the  fruits  of  it.  Assuredly  the 
confederation  would  have  enjoyed  in  this  system  a 
better  fate  than  that  which  it  owes  to  the  new.  Bava- 
ria would  not  have  lost  all  that  Austria  has  recovered; 
she  would  have  had  frontiers:  the  state  of  Baden  would 
not  have  been  subject  to  the  molestations  it  has  ex- 
perienced. 

The  system  of  Napoleon  had  evidently  two  branches; 
1.  A  guarantee  for  France  against  the  coalition  of 
Prussia,  of  Austria,  and  of  Russia ;  2.  The  establish- 
ment of  a  barrier  against  Russia.  Napoleon  had 
Russia  and  her  dangers  always  in  view ;  his  hostility 


77 

was  not  personal  to  Russia,  but  in  the  cause  of  Eu- 
rope. 

Two  principles  constantly  governed  and  directed 
him;  the  necessity  of  arresting  the  English  power 
upon  sea,  and  the  power  of  Russia  upon  the  continent. 
He  considered  its  extent  and  dangers  for  others  as 
well  as  for  himself.  The  event  has  fully  j.  stifled  this 
calculation;  for  he  has  fallen  by  the  shafts  lanched 
from  these  two  bows,  which  he  was  unable  to  unsti'ing. 
In  these  two  relations,  the  plans  of  Napoleon  were 
even  more  European  than  French;  it  was  neither 
ambition  nor  hatred  by  which  he  was  animated  against 
Russia;  he  had  nothing  to  gain  personally  in  a  war 
with  her :  he  had  received  no  injuries  from  her ;  he 
had  nothing  to  fear  from  her ;  personally  he  bore  sen- 
timents of  high  respect  and  esteem  towards  her  so- 
vereign :  he  was  actuated  alone  by  an  European  sen- 
timent; that  which  caused  him  to  feel  the  necessity 
of  placing  at  the  gates  of  Russia  barriers  of  sufficient 
strength  to  arrest  the  torrent ;  he  had  located  them  in 
places  the  most  suitable  to  this  employment;  and 
committed  them  to  hands  the  most  interested  to  de- 
fend them;  and  therefore  the  most  sure.  The  plan 
v.as  vast,  and  salutary  for  all;  sound  in  principle,  but 
disorderly  in  its  execution :  source  of  safety  for  Eu- 
rope, and  of  ruin  for  its  author.  It  must  be  left  for 
time  to  reveal  whether  Germany  will  find  it  better  to 
meet  the  advanced  posts  of  Russia  upon  the  Oder, 
and  the  frontiers  of  Moravia,  than  upon  the  Dnieper 
and  the  Dwina;  whether  she  will  be  better  defended 
by  little  sovereignties  in  great  number,  than  by  great 
in  little  number.      Therein  lies  the  whole  question 


78 

respecting  Germany.  The  Germanic  body  is  by  its 
nature  in  a  state  of  perpetual  tutelage ;  it  always  needs 
a  protector  against  some  state  or  other. 

Sweden,  France,  Prussia,  have  successively  exer- 
cised this  protectorate.  France  occupied  it  with  pre- 
potence  by  the  confederation  of  the  Rhine.  The 
height  of  the  protection  was  compensated  by  its  soli- 
dity; and,  (since  Germany  is  devoted  to  a  state  of 
eternal  pupilage,)  it  might  as  well  have  been  that  of 
France  as  any  other. 

The  congress  of  Vienna  has  re-established,  not  the 
ancient  empire,  but  a  confederation,  in  Germany ;  for 
the  empire,  speaking  properly,  has  disappeared ;  there 
is  no  longer  an  emperor  of  Germany ;  but  tlie  body 
remains  after  the  disappearance  of  its  chief,  and  sur- 
vives the  loss  of  its  head. 

The  population,  comprehended  in  the  confedera- 
tion, equals  thirty  millions  of  inhabitants.  A  federal 
bond  unites  its  members ;  common  laws  regulate  all 
the  parts  of  the  association,  determine  supplies,  assess 
contributions,  provide  the  means  of  defence  and  those 
of  execution. 

Germany,  placed  between  France  and  Russia,  must 
keep  on  her  guard  against  them  both ;  she  can  effect 
nothing  against  Russia  directly,  with  whom  she  is 
not  in  contact;  and  who,  on  her  part,  could  not  reach 
Germany  till  after  having  overthrown  the  armies  of 
Prussia  and  of  Austria;  in  this  direction  these  two  pow- 
ers are  the  outworks  of  the  German  empire;  this  is  what 
ought  to  continue  it  so  strictly  united  with  them ;  for 
if  they  were  to  succumb  in  the  conflict  with  Russia, 
it  would  be  overwhelmed.     Upon  the  Rhine,  the 


79 

contact  with  France  creates  for  Germany  the  necessity 
of  a  different  system.  On  this  side  she  must  act  in 
person.  Too  many  recollections  invite  Germany  to 
multiply  her  precautions ;  thus  she  will  form  a  large 
federal  army ;  she  will  erect  fortresses  to  rival  those  of 
France ;  she  will  oppose  Landau,  Mayence,  Luxem- 
burgh,  and  other  ramparts  besides,  to  the  girdle  of 
fortifications  with  which  France  is  strengthened  upon 
this  frontier ;  thus,  by  continuing  to  cover  themselves 
with  ramparts  judiciously  distributed,  they  will  be- 
come finally  insulated,  and  reciprocally  out  of  the  reach 
of  attack.  It  is  clear  that  the  suspicions  of  Germany 
will,  during  a  long  time,  be  directed  against  France; 
it  is  the  consequence  of  all  that  has  passed  in  the 
course  of  the  last  twenty  years ;  past  injuries  excite 
vigilance  against  their  renewal.  As  yet,  Russia  has 
only  been  felt  as  the  means  of  liberation ;  the  princes 
reinstated  by  the  coalition,  the  princes  emancipated 
by  it,  and  freed  from  the  tutelage  of  Napoleon,  may 
think  themselves  bound  to  show  much  gratitude  to- 
wards Russia,  as  well  as  much  rancour  and  umbrage 
against  France ;  these  two  sentiments  will  not  soon 
be  effaced,  and  the  policy  of  Germany  will  be  warped 
by  them.  The  confederation  is  raising  a  considerable 
army ;  this  barrier  also  is  marshalled  against  France, 
not  to  conquer,  but  to  hold  her  excluded  from  the 
general  policy;  which,  in  future,  will  be  arranged  in 
Germany,  between  Russia,  Prussia,  and  Austria;  it 
is  this  triumvirate  of  power  which  will  decide  every 
thing  in  time  to  come,  upon  the  continent. 

The  persevering  remonstrances  of  the  ex-princes, 
are  the  thorns  of  the  internal  policy  of  Germany;  they 


80 

are  met  every  where,  with  their  pretensions  and  their 
complaints;  a  political  excrescence,  occupied  exclu- 
sively with  their  personal  existence;  they  weary  and 
embarrass  both  princes  and  people;  their  agony  is  as 
clamorous  as  their  lives  were  obscure;  and  they  pre- 
sent to  the  world  the  scandalous  spectacle  of  the  com- 
bat of  the  feudal  and  useless  sovereignty — against  the 
sovereignty  that  is  social  and  necessary. 


81 


FRANCE. 

Oh  grief!  to  see  banished  to  an  extremity  of  Eu- 
rope, as  if  exiled,  as  if  proscribed,  receiving  her  laws 
and  destinies  from  others,  the  power  which  for  fifteen 
)ears  has  given  the  word  of  command  to  Europe  I 
Napoleon,  what  hast  thou  made  of  us  ?  how  had  we 
deserved  to  see  thee  enrich  with  objects  which  had 
cost  us  so  dear,  those  who  are  about  to  become  our 
oppressors?  how  couldst  thou  forget  that  there  are 
ranks  which  must  be  retained  under  the  penalty  of  a 
precipitous  fall ;  tliat  the  excess  of  power  has  no  safe- 
guard but  in  the  continuance  of  power ;  and  that  op- 
pression is  always  the  vengeance  that  awaits  oppres- 
sion ;  thou  hast  condemned  us  to  the  reaction  of  the 
world;  and  what  all  reaction  brings  with  it  need  not 
be  told ! 

Napoleon  was  the  key  of  the  vault,  in  the  new  edi- 
fice that  was  erected  in  Europe;  when  he  fell,  the 
whole  structure  was  necessarily  involved  in  his  ruin. 

Never  did  greater  interests  repose  upon  one  head ; 
never  head  appeared  less  to  feel  their  importance.  By 
this  neglect,  the  world  and  the  human  intellect  have 
been  compromised. 

An  ever  memorable  example  of  the  imprudence  of 
nations  who  place  their  destiny,  like  an  annuity^  upon 
the  fortune  or  the  genius,  however  brilliant,  of  a  sin- 


82 

gle  man;  a  cruel  lesson,  well  fitted  to  teach  them  tu 
take  a  near  survey  of  the  manner  in  which  affairs  are 
transacted  amongst  them. 

The  French  empire  comprised  more  than  forty- two 
millions  of  inhabitants. 

France  at  present  may  contain  thirty  millions. 

The  French  empire  enjoyed  a  revenue  of  eleven 
hundred  millions  of  francs. 

France  has,  of  certain  revenue,  six  hundred  and 
fifty  millions. 

Never  did  a  state  lose  so  much  at  once.  It  is  the 
first  time  since  the  reign  of  Henry  IV.  that  France 
has  retrograded,  or  lost  an  inch  of  ground  upon  the 
continent. 

Cardinal  de  Fleury,  when  more  than  eighty  )^ears 
of  age,  a  pacific  and  unarmed  conqueror,  added 
Lorrsin  to  the  ancient  domains  of  France;  and  Louis 
XV.,  never  reproached  for  the  love  of  conquest  and 
aggrandizements,  acquired  Corsica. 

I  am  aware  it  is  said  that  these  acquisitions  were 
conquests,  and  conquests  of  the  revolution;  which 
rendered  them  odious  to  some,  and  indifferent  to 
others.  But  I  would  fain  learn  what  America  is  for 
Spain,  India  for  England,  Poland  for  Russia  and  her 
fellow  partitioners.  Is  there  not  also  something  to  ob- 
ject to  the  certificates  of  origin  of  these  possessions ; 
and  if  the  acquisitions  of  France  dated  not  quite  from 
the  transactions  of  the  golden  age;  it  appears,  that, 
even  in  the  others  also,  there  might  be  found  some 
traces  of  the  age  of  iron.  But  such  is  the  measure 
of  the  judgments  pronounced  upon  the  events  of  the 
last  five-and-twenty  years.  All  is  estimated  by  public 
clamour,  and  the  word  revolution  seems  to  have  dis* 


pensed  with  the  duty,  or  deprived  of  the  faculty,  of 


reasoning. 


It  is  not  here  intended  to  rouse  regrets  or  to  exas- 
perate irritations ;  far  from  that ;  it  is  destined  only  to 
awaken  the  sentiments  which  the  spectacle  of  great 
catastrophes,  whether  they  overwhelm  states,  or  whe- 
ther they  affect  individuals,  is  fitted  to  inspire.  Men, 
in  too  great  numbers,  without  France  as  well  as  with- 
in, have  suffered  by  these  triumphs,  or  profited  by 
these  reverses;  sometimes  they  are  irritated  against 
her  because  she  has  been  great  without  them;  let  them 
learn  by  their  own  regrets  to  share  those  of  a  great 
people ;  and,  returning  to  themselves,  let  them  listen 
to  the  voice  that  reminds  them  of  the  words  of  the 
most  tender  of  poets : 

Sunt  Lacrymx  rerum  et  mentetn  raortalia  tangunt. 

France  appertains  to  neither  of  the  divisions  which 
form  the  political  state  of  Europe.  By  her  geogra- 
phical position  she  is  detached  from  them  both ;  her 
territory,  her  population,  her  language,  have  little 
conformity  \\ith  the  corresponding  particulars  that 
are  remarked  to  the  north,  and  to  the  south  of  this 
country.  The  division  of  the  north  extends  to  the 
banks  of  the  Rhine,  and  continues  till  it  expires  at  the 
feet  of  the  Alps. 

This  space  includes  the  nations  of  the  north,  and 
of  Germany;  who  have  more  affinity  with  each  other 
than  with  the  inliabitants  of  the  south.  The  division 
of  the  south  commences  at  the  Alps,  and  at  the  Pyre- 
nees. There,  are  found  other  manners,  another  sk}% 
other  productions;  all  as  foreign  to  France  as  to  Ger- 
many. France  forms,  as  it  were,  the  shade  which 
marks  the  gradation  of  the  people   that  inhabit  the 


84 

north  to  those  of  the  south.  The  French  bear  no 
greater  resemblance  to  the  one  than  to  the  other.  It 
suffices  to  remark  the  conformation  of  a  Frenchman, 
to  hear  him  speak,  to  observe  him  when  he  moves 
and  acts,  to  recognise  in  him  a  member  foreign  to 
the  famihes  of  the  north  and  of  the  south. 

France  is  very  populous;  and  experience  proves 
that  she  will  still  increase  in  population ;  what  has 
taken  place  throughout  Europe,  manifests  itself  equal- 
ly in  France ;  she  is  not  less  liberally  endowed  by 
nature  than  the  other  states  with  which  she  shares  the 
benefits  of  increasing  civilization.  This  is  a  practi- 
cal truth  no  longer  contested,  but  by  the  men  who 
are  indignant  that  the  revolution  should  not  have 
combined  all  kinds  of  wrongs;  and  who  would  be 
pleased  to  have  a  right  to  accuse  it  of  having  exca- 
vated the  tomb  of  the  human  race,  with  the  exception 
of  their  own.  However  afflicting  this  truth  may  ap- 
pear to  this  class  of  men,  it  is  not  the  less  certain; 
one  thing  only  remains  to  be  determined,  and  this  is 
of  importance  to  France;  to  ascertain  the  proportion 
of  this  increase,  as  it  compares  with  that  of  other 
nations. 

The  Vv-ealth  of  France  is  very  great,  and  must  be 
still  greater.  The  country  that  furnishes  Europe  a 
part  of  the  enjoyments  most  essential  to  her  gratifica- 
tion, will  be  associated  in  the  prosperity  of  other  na- 
tions. Of  this  a  judgment  may  be  formed  by  the 
sum  of  the  tributes  paid  by  Europe  to  the  attractions 
of  her  climate,  of  her  arts,  of  the  multiplied  charms  of 
her  capital.  These  tributes  exceed  annually  the  suras 
that  France  became  obligated  to  pay,  temporarily,  to 
strangers.     But  the  latter  were,  by  nature  of  a  limited 


85 

duration;  and  the  nature  of  the  others  is  to  increase 
progressively.  They  will  more  than  compensate  the 
inequality  of  the  commercial  balance  that  France  has 
lost  with  her  colonies :  it  is  Europe,  and  especially 
England,  that  is  now  the  colony  of  France :  this  coun- 
try is  a  thousand  times  more  visited  by  strangers  than 
it  was  before  the  revolution :  and,  as  the  French  feel 
not  the  same  desire  to  see  and  to  transport  themselves 
out  of  their  country,  they  retain  the  profits  attached  to 
the  successive  rotation  of  the  passage,  and  of  the  stay, 
of  strangers  amongst  them. 

To  this  must  be  added  the  developements,  and  the 
elasticity,  that  France  will  ov\e  to  the  new  springs  of 
action  she  has  lately  acquired,  and  which  manifest 
themselves  in  her  bosom;  liberty  and  industry.  The 
hotter,  it  cannot  be  denied,  each  day  makes  rapid  ad- 
vances: liberty,  who  fructifies  all,  will  not  be  more 
sterile  for  France  than  she  is  for  all  those  who  exer- 
cise their  talents  under  the  shelter  of  her  tutelary  al- 
ters. Genius,  free  to  display  itself  is  always  creative: 
as  I  have  said  before,  it  acts  in  every  direction,  and 
from  each  of  its  excursions  brings  home  some  new 
harvest.  If  all  the  arbitrary,  restrictive,  and  oppres- 
sive governments  have,  during  so  many  ages,  been 
unable  to  prevent  the  French  genius  from  creating 
so  many  master-pieces;  what  may  not  be  expected 
from  it,  when,  under  the  auLipices  of  ^  government 
whose  essence  is  liberty,  it  may  develope  all  its  fa- 
culties, and  reap  the  reward  of  its  efforts ! 

Since  the  reign  of  Francis  I.  the  epoch  of  the  out- 
line of  a  political  system  in  Europe,  France  h»s  always 
exercised  a  great  influence  upon  the  continent.  Op- 
posed from  that  period  to  the  house  of  Austria,  which 

o 


86 

reigned  in  Spain,  in  Italy,  in  a  part  of  German}', 
France  naturally  was  placed  at  the  head  of  those,  and 
their  number  was  not  small,  who  had  reason  to  fear 
this  colossus.  Francis  I.  in  spite  of  religious  preju- 
dices, which  at  that  time  had  so  much  power,  made 
alliance  with  Soliman  againsf  Charles  V. — The  Ca- 
tholic prince,  who  gave  the  example  of  burning  pro- 
testants  at  home,  united  with  the  Turks  against  the 
Catholic  emperor,  who  consumed  himself  in  eftbrts 
against  the  same  protestants.  Francis  was  at  the 
same  time  his  ally  against  them,  and  that  of  the  Turks 
against  him;  receiving  thus  from  policy  a  double  di- 
rection, and  as  it  were,  a  double  existence.  The 
wars  of  religion,  by  restricting  the  attention  of  France 
to  her  internal  agitations,  detached  her  during  a  long 
time  from  the  general  j^olicy.* 

She  resumed  her  place  in  it,  under  Henry  IV.  and 
took  a  larger  part  in  its  transactions  than  at  any  for- 
mer period ;  under  the  able  inspiration  of  this  prince, 


*  Such  is  ihe  ovdiiiary  efFect  of  factions.  Thcj'  lore  countrj'  only  as  tlie  ok- 
.iect  and  the  means  of  domination,  and  properly  speaking  tactions  have  no 
country;  for  them  country  is  there  where  is  power;  where  is  control;  and  for 
them  must  have  heen  invented  the  selfish  axiom  :  7ibi  bene,  ibi  putria.  In  the 
lime  of  the  league,  an  appeal  was  made  to  Spain  ;  Pai-is  was  surrendered  to  her; 
the  counsels  of  France  were  abandoned  to  her;  secret  notes  were  addressed 
to  the  Demon  of  the  South;  to  this  cruel  king,  to  this  gloomy  tyrant,  who  from 
tlie  recesses  of  a  palace,  invisible  himself  to  all  eyes,  covered  the  world  with 
intrigues,  with  flames,  and  with  blood.  The  league,  faithful  to  the  same  spirit, 
did  likewise;  hut  also,  unfaithful  to  country,  they  made  a  second  appeal  to 
Spain;  the  envoys  of  the  latter  appeared  in  the  midst  of  the  parliament  of 
Paris.  Cardinal  de  Ketz  has  preserved  for  our  use  the  secret  notes  by  which 
this  party  implored  these  noble  auxiliaries;  with  the  recital  of  the  mystifica- 
tion he  put  upon  this  grave  body,  reduced  by  him  to  the  disgrace  of  receiving 
with  i)omp  tUe  vagabond,  who  had  just  received  his  letters  of  credence  at  the 
gate  of  the  palace,  from  the  very  hand  of  this  factious  pi'elale.  The  history  of 
factions  is  evei'y  where,  aiul  equally,  but  tiie  oblivion  of  touittry,  and  an  invila- 
t'ton  to  strangers. 


t)he  was  on  the  eve  of  founding  in  Europe  a  general 
order,  retraced  in  some  of  its  features  by  the  actual 
times.  But  of  all  others  the  Cardinal  de  Richelieu 
gave  the  greatest  extension  to  the  French  influence, 
by  his  combined  action  with  the  Protestants  of  Ger- 
many, and  against  the  Protestants  of  France.  With 
the  former  as  a  politician,  against  the  latter  as  a  priest 
and  minister,  he  displayed  in  this  double  action  the 
sagacity  and  the  compass  of  views  which  characterize 
the  real  statesman.  Inviting  from  the  extreme  of 
the  north  the  great  Gustavus,  and  his  illustrious  com- 
panions in  arms,  he  achieved  the  creation  of  a  coun- 
terpoise to  the  power  of  Austria,  and  thus  became 
the  real  founder  of  the  European  system.  For  a 
space  of  fifty  years  Lewis  XIV.  filled  Europe  with 
his  pomp,  his  projects,  and  his  enterprises.  The  ge- 
nius of  William  was  required  to  arrest  him ;  and  the 
weight  of  Europe  directed  by  the  hands  of  an  Eugene, 
and  a  Marlborough,  to  make  him  bend.  If  he  sunk, 
it  was  with  glory;  and  even  in  his  fall  he  endowed  his 
family  with  the  throne  of  Spain  and  of  America ;  a 
great  power  is  not  extinguished  all  at  once :  Lewi3 
XV.  graced  by  the  reflected  glory  of  his  prede- 
cessor, sustained  by  favour  of  this  twilight  the  con ' 
sideration  of  the  French  power.  The  eclipse  was 
not  pronounced  till  the  epoch  of  the  peace  of  1763, 
and  was  completed  amid  the  quarrels  of  the  Janse- 
nists  and  of  the  parliament,  and  the  frantic  debauch- 
eries of  the  close  of  this  reign.  The  government  of 
that  day  resembled  those  men  who  seek  by  intoxica- 
tion to  forget  the  derangement  of  their  affairs.  These 
profligate  excesses  covered  with  a  veil  of  opprobrium 
and  impotency  the  latter  years  of  Lewis  XV.  During 


88 

this  period  Catherine,  Frederic,  Maria  Theresa,  dis- 
posed of  the  destinies  of  Europe :  before  these  great 
names  all  others  grew  pale;  the  star  of  the  north 
alone  illuminated  the  political  horizon;  and  France 
might  have  recognised  in  the  partition  of  Poland,  pro- 
jected, decreed  and  executed,  without  her  concur- 
rence and  before  her  eyes,  a  formal  proclamation  of 
her  nullity  and  loss  of  consideration.  Never  had  she 
been  braved  so  openly.  Lewis  XVI.  had  marched 
in  better  ways,  by  improving  the  French  marine;  and 
by  contributing  to  found  in  America  a  redeeming 
state  for  the  rest  of  Europe,  against  the  exclusive  do- 
mination of  the  sea  by  England.  But  placed  on  a 
soil  that  already  began  to  tremble  from  the  combus- 
tion of  fires  that  raged  beneath  its  surface,  this  unfor- 
tunate prince  was  unable  to  maintain  the  indepen- 
dence of  Holland  against  Prussia;  or  to  defend  Tur- 
key against  the  eagles  of  Russia  and  of  Austria, 
pouncing  upon  this  ancient  ally  of  France.  She  was 
obliged  to  resign  to  Sweden,  to  England,  and  to  Prus- 
sia, the  honour  of  reducing  the  devourers  to  more 
moderate  sentiments.  At  the  peace  of  Teschen, 
which  terminated  the  contests  for  the  succession  of 
Bavaria,  France  appeared  in  the  attitude  she  had  al- 
ways maintained,  whenever  Austria  had  sought  to 
encroach  upon  the  German  powers  of  an  inferior 
order. 

At  this  epoch  the  Austrian  influence  had  not  yet 
gained  the  ascendancy  at  Versailles  it  obtained  in  the 
last  ten  years  of  this  reign ;  abandoned  to  Austria  in 
a  manner  to  alarm  many  minds,  and  to  mislead  many 
others.  Alliance  with  Prussia  was  the  ancient  policy 
of  France.     This  union,  thou^rh  resultino:  from  the 


89 

nature  of  things,  was  the  continuation  of  the  work  of' 
Cardinal  de  Richeheu  and  its  transposition  from  Swe- 
den to  Prussia;  who  filled  the  place  the  former  had 
occupied.  A  mistress,  and  a  favourite  raised  by  the 
muse  of  flattery,  were  permitted  to  ruin  the  work  of 
Richelieu  and  of  Oxenstiern.  Singular  destiny  of 
human  works;  cruel  but  inevitable  effect  of  absolute 
governments,  enfranchised  from  all  responsibility ;  in 
which  resolutions  that  may  involve  the  destiny  of  states 
are  seen  to  depend  on  the  vilest  motives;  because  they 
are  protected  by  obscurity,  and  are  inspired  and  exe- 
cuted by  men  who  draw  only  from  corrupt  sources. 
Therein  was  placed  the  principle  of  the  inferiority  of 
trance  in  respect  to  England.  How,  with  plans 
formed  in  this  impurity,  should  France  have  been 
able  to  sustain  the  combat  against  an  order  of  things 
which  called  to  the  head  of  affairs  a  Chatham,  and 
his  son,  still  more  illustrious  than  himself,  with  a 
multitude  of  the  most  enlightened  men  of  their  nation; 
M  ho  kindling  and  enlightening  their  own  genius  by 
the  fire  of  public  discussion,  covered  with  their  light- 
nings, and  protected  with  their  force,  the  country 
which  committed  itself  to  tlieir  direction.  If  for  the 
last  hundred  years  France  had  enjoyed  a  government 
constituted  like  that  of  England,  she  also  would  have 
had  her  Chathams,  and  her  Pitts;  she  would  have 
had  nothing  to  envy  in  the  glory  or  in  the  possessions 
of  her  rival.  Men  were  not  wanting  in  France, 
but  the  government  was  wanting  to  men,  who,  to 
serve  it  as  well  as  England  is  served,  only  waited 
to  be  employed.  The  proof  has  been  given  of  the 
presence  of  these  men  in  France  by  the  secret  cor- 
respondence discovered  in  the  iron  archi\'es.     The 


90 

work  drav\m  up  under  the  direction  of  the  count  de 
Broghe  by  Favier,  proves  that  poHtical  genius  was 
not  extinct  in  France;  and,  that  it  only  waited  for  the 
fetters  to  be  broken  which  held  it  in  captivity,  to  de- 
velope  itself  to  the  world. 

The  political  system  of  France  has  taken  a  new 
face.  It  is  no  longer  what  it  was  before  the  revolu- 
tion, still  less  what  it  was  under  Napoleon;  these 
grandeurs  are  to  be  forgotten ;  they  have  vanished ; 
we  must  learn  to  accommodate  our  desires  to  our 
means,  and  regulate  ourselves  by  the  latter.  The 
states  that  environ  France  are  no  longer  the  ancient 
states  which  were  found  at  her  gates. 

The  states  which  might  have  sustained  her  are  no 
longer  the  same  in  themselves,  any  more  than  with 
relation  to  her. 

Rival  states  have  acquired  immense  augmentations. 
Auxiliary  states  have  declined  in  the  same  propor- 
tions. The  moral  dispositions  of  some  nations  have 
also  experienced  a  change  in  their  application  to 
France. 

All,  therefore,  is  completely  changed  for  France, 
and,  consequently,  she  finds  herself  in  a  political  si- 
tuation absolutely  new ;  which  requires  to  be  well  ob- 
served and  well  understood  to  prevent  the  most  fatal 
mistakes. 

The  interest  of  this  question  is  very  great.  It  leaves 
hot  the  liberty  of  refusing  ourselves  to  the  develope- 
ments  fitted  to  place  it  in  its  clearest  light.  According 
to  this  view  of  their  importance  I  proceed  to  give 
them. 


91 


CHAPTER  III. 

jincie77t  System  of  France  upon  the  Continent. 

Alliance  with  Prussia  against  Austria;  sup- 
port of  the  German  empire  against  Austria. 

Alliance  with  Sweden  and  Turkey  against  Russia; 
and  against  her,  also,  alliance  with  Prussia. 

Belgium  and  the  dutchy  of  Luxemburgh  were  un- 
der the  hand  of  France,  a  pledge  of  responsibility  for 
the  conduct  of  Austria. 

These  distant  provinces  could  not  be  timely  de- 
fended ;  the  succours  must  have  come  from  afar ;  one 
year  of  war  had  absorbed  twenty  years  of  ordinary 
revenue.  This  species  of  continental  colony  held 
Austria  in  a  sort  of  dependance  on  France.  It  was 
to  enfranchise  herself  from  this  that  Austria  project- 
ed the  fatal  treaty  of  1756 ;  this  act,  which  was  the 
master  piece  of  Austrian  policy,  was  the  last  term  of 
the  blindness  of  the  cabinet  of  Versailles.  Richelieu, 
Torcy,  d'Avaux,  all  that  had  been  eminent  in  the 
French  diplomacy,  should  have  started  in  the  tomb 
at  the  rumour  of  this  blunder  of  their  successors  in 
the  cabinet  of  France.  Austria,  thus  liberated  from 
the  jealous  observation  of  France,  might  abandon 
herself  to  all  the  gratifications  of  a  persevering  ambi- 
tion. Sure  of  the  support,  or,  at  the  worst,  of  the 
neutralitv  of  her  ancient ri"sal,  she  ^\■as  now  at  libertv 


92 

to  apply  her  entire  sttention  to  the  two  great  powers 
of  the  north;  Prussia  and  Russia. 

Too  feeble  to  counterbalance  them  alone,  as  ap- 
prized by  the  disasters  of  the  war  of  1756,  she  began 
to  league  with  them;  and  extended  them  the  hand 
while  she  concealed  the  sw^ord.  Thence  the  partition 
of  Poland,  carried  into  effect;  thence  the  meditated 
and  attempted  partition  of  Turkey;  which  would 
have  been  realized  but  for  the  vigorous  opposition  of 
England  and  of  Prussia.  What  France,  chained  by 
her  treaty,  had  interdicted  herself  from  doing,  a  feeble 
monarch  of  the  north,  counselled  only  by  his  courage 
and  the  weight  of  circumstances,  was  seen  ready  to 
effect.  Gustavus,  darting  with  the  rapidity  of  light- 
ening against  the  insatiable  invader  of  Turkey,  had 
saved  Constantinople  by  the  invasion  of  Petersburgh; 
if  manoeuvres,  too  well  combined,  had  not  arrested 
his  glorious  career,  and  turned  upon  himself  the  wea- 
pon he  directed  against  the  astonished  Catherine,  fly- 
ing in  her  turn.  It  was  again  to  Prussia  that  France, 
always  shackled  by  the  same  treaty,  was  obliged  to 
resign  the  honour  of  arresting  the  torrent  that  was 
about  to  overwhelm  Bavaria ;  so  extensive  are  the 
consequences  of  a  presumptuous,  or  inconsiderate 
engagement.  From  the  treaty  of  1756,  dates  tha 
disorganization  of  the  political  order  of  Europe,  and 
perhaps  a  part  of  the  revolution;  for  this  great  viola- 
tion of  rules  irritated  men's  minds  to  the  degree  which, 
as  Burke  remarks,  caused  from  that  time  the  word 
republic  to  be  pronounced ;  so  great  was  the  resent- 
ment excited  by  tvventy  years  of  declension  and  de- 
gradation of  France  and  of  her  cabinet.  To  recover 
from  this  disgrace,  and  to  prevent  its  recurrence,  men 


93 

were  heard  to  aj)peal  to  a  name  unknown,  incompati- 
ble and  impossible  ;  the  excess  on  one  side  corres- 
ponded to  the  excess  on  the  other.  There  are  in  po- 
litics fundamental  acts,  which,  like  the  key  of  an  arch; 
cannot  be  moved  without  shaking  the  solidity  of  the 
whole  edifice. 

The  distance  at  which  the  cession  of  Belgium  has 
placed  Austria,  has  caused  France  to  lose  this  mean 
of  repression  against  that  power;  there  no  longer 
exists  any  point  of  contact,  any  direct  interest  between 
them ;  by  a  remarkable  caprice  of  destiny,  it  has  hap- 
pened that  Napoleon  was  the  means  of  terminating 
tlie  rivalship  between  the  houses  of  Austria  and  of 
France ;  the  care  of  watching  Austria  has  now  passed 
to  Prussia  and  to  Russia. 

Even  in  Italy,  France  cannot  come  in  contact  with 
Austria;  excepting  the  case  of  an  attack  against  PietJ- 
mont,  which  would  force  this  state  to  invoke  the  suc- 
cour of  France,  the  gates  of  the  Alps  will  remain 
closed  against  her,  and  the  separation  between  her 
and  Austria  will  be  maintained.  Piedmont  will  not 
be  seen  to  open  a  passage  through  its  territories  for 
the  armies  of  France  to  march  to  the  attack  of  the 
Milanese,  and  expose  itself  thus  to  become  the  seat 
of  war  for  both  parties ;  as  it  happened  in  the  wars  of 
Francis  I.  and  of  Henry  II. 

France  has  no  longer  in  Italy  the  interests  which,  for 
a  long  time,  claimed  her  attention  there;  and  that  in 
consequence  of  the  metamorphosis  which  this  coun- 
try has  experienced.  The  republics  of  Genoa  and 
of  Venice  have  disappeared :  the  republican  order  no 
longer  even  exists  in  this  country,  so  long  agitated  by 
a  great  number  of  these  governments;  even  Lucca 

p 


94 

has  become  a  principality;  Parma,  lost  to  the  house 
pf  Bourbon^  will  in  future  swell  the  domains  of  Aus- 
tria; Moder)a  is  destined  for  the  dowry  of  an  Austrian 
princess.  Naples,  though  Bourbon  by  the  males,  is 
Austrian  by  intermarriage,  and  also  Austrian  by  its 
territory,  as  it  is  English  by  its  maritime  position. 
France  cannot  reach  it  by  sea:  upon  land,  Piedmont 
and  all  Austrian  Italy,  are  interposed  between  Naples 
and  France;  the  latter,  indeed,  receives  ambassadors 
from  the  family  of  Naples;  but  the  representatives  of 
whatever  ppw'er  it  }ias  are  found  at  other  courts.  All 
dispute,  all  direct  action  is,  therefore,  impossible  on 
the  part  of  France  with  Austria. 

France  has  long  been  the  protector  of  the  Germanic 
body.  This  attribute  she  has  lost;  and,  after  what  has 
past,  it  is  allowable  to  conjecture,  that,  for  a  long 
time,  this  body  will  not  again  have  recourse  to  France. 
On  this  frontier,  Germany  covers  herself  with  for- 
tresses in  such  a  manner  as  to  hold  herself  entirely 
separated  from  Franpe;  and  to  retrace  the  times  of 
the  campaigns  of  Louis  XIV.,  in  w|iich  a  whole  year 
was  consumed  in  taking  one  or  two  cities  on  the 
borders  of  the  Rhine. 

The  French  influence  in  Switzerland  is  upon  no 
better  footing  than  in  Germany.  The  mediation  of 
Napoleon  has  been  replaced  by  that  of  the  coalesced 
powers;  and,  for  a  long  time,  France  will  not  enjoy 
any  real  credit  in  Switzerland;  a  circumstance,  how- 
ever, pf  much  less  importance  than  has  geqerally  been 
attached  to  this  influence  over  the  cantons, 

France  has  held  t^e  reins  of  power  in  Switzerland; 
she  has  suffered  them  to  drop  from  her  hands;  no 
|T)pre  is  required  to  assure  us  that  its  gates  will  here- 


^5 

after  be  closed  against  her  with  greater  vigilance  than 
against  any  other  power.  It  is  the  necessary  consequence 
of  all  political  reverses;  fear  imparts  to  ingratitude  the 
varnish  of  prudence.  Holland  owed  to  France  the 
tonclusion  of  her  painful  struggles  with  Spain,  and 
the  acknowledgement  of  her  independence;  it  was  the 
work  of  Henry  IV.  In  this  policy  is  recognised  the 
genius  of  this  prince,  and  the  long  views  of  his  illus-" 
trious  ministers,  the  Sullys,  the  Jeantiins,  and  the 
Villefois. 

The  wars  of  pride  waged  by  Louis  XlV,  against 
this  peaceable  republic,  had  deranged  all  the  plan;? 
f raced  by  the  sagacity  of  Henry,  and  thrown  Holland 
into  the  arms  of  England. 

King  William  detested  Louis  XIV.  even  more' 
than  France.  The  efforts  of  his  genius  were  direct- 
ed against  the  haughty  ambition  of  the  Frencfr  mo^' 
narch,  even  more  than  against  the  French  power. 
His  death  did  not  deaden  the  effects  of  his  hatred;  it 
passed  undiminished,  nay,  rather  exasperated,  into' 
the  breasts  of  those  high  spirited  grand  pensionaries' 
of  Holland,  who  in  Gertruydenburgh  so  cruelly 
humbled  Louis  XIV.;  and  who,  remaining^  last  upoiY 
the  field  of  battle,  were  not  to  be  diverted  from 
marching  to  sign  peace  at  Versailles,  but  by  the  de- 
fection of  England.  If  the  triumvirate  of  Eugene, 
of  Marlborough,  and  of  Heinsius,  had  not  been  dis- 
solved by  men  more  politic  than  themselves,  Louis 
XIV.  had  been  utterly  ruined,  and  would  hait 
shared,  in  itl2,  the  fate  that  has  befallen  Napoleon 
in  1814. 

From  this  epoch  until  1756,  Holland  continued  ^o' 
side  uniformly  with  the  enemies  of  France/    TMr' 


96 

was  the  necessary  effect  of  vicinity;  at  that  time,  by 
virtue  of  the  barrier  treaty,  Holland  guarded  the  fron- 
tiers of  tlie  Low  Countries;  and,  as  war  never  failed 
to  take  this  direction,  it  was  natural  that  Holland 
should  always  have  been  drawn  into  its  vortex.  The 
treaty  of  1756  soothed  and  disarmed  her.  This  is 
the  only  benefit  it  has  produced,  and  the  compensa- 
rion  was  not  too  great;  for  all  the  evils  it  caused,  in 
other  ways. 

Holland  was  so  constituted,  that  the  Stadtholder 
was  English,  while  the  chief  members  of  the  govern- 
ment, as  well  as  the  people,  were  French.  The  no- 
bles, some  members  of  the  states  general,  and  of  the 
municipal  corporations,  were  attached  to  the  stadt- 
holder. All  the  rest  inclined  towards  democracy  and 
towards  France.  This  opposition  between  the  nation 
and  its  rulers  could  not  fail  to  produce  the  most  fatal 
consequences.  During  the  war  of  American  inde- 
pendence, France,  under  the  able  direction  of  the 
count  de  Vergennes,  had  succeeded  in  detaching 
Holland  from  England,  and  had  caused  her  to  enter 
the  maritime  confederation,  whose  foundations  were 
laid  at  that  time.  This  was  a  triumph  over  the  per- 
sonal inclinations  of  the  stadtholder,  who  favoured 
England,  and  who,  in  the  direction  of  the  war,  con- 
nived openly  with  her  in  the  affair  of  sending  the  fleet 
to  Brest.  From  that  time  commenced  the  divisions 
which  threw  this  state  into  confusion. 

The  embarrassments  of  the  French  government 
were  such  as  to  disable  it  from  acting  with  vigour  in 
the  quarrel  terminated  in  1787,  by  the  intervention 
of  the  Prussians.  While  France  presented  notes 
Jlnd  talked  of  forming  a  camp  at  Givet,  the  duke  ol 


Brunswick  marched  to  Amsterdam,  and  restored  the 
ascendancy  of  English  politics  in  Holland.  The 
French  party  was  kept  down  till  the  epoch  of  the  re- 
valution,  which  offered  it  the  occasion  of  revenge; 
when  it  leagued  entirely  with  France  until  the  time 
when  Holland  became  a  French  province.  Inevita- 
ble effect  of  factions,  who  in  country  see  only  the 
means  of  domination ;  and  who  would  rather  see  it 
destroyed,  than  governed  by  their  adversaries. 

At  present,  all  the  elements  of  these  ancient  com- 
binations have  disappeared,  Holland  and  Belgium 
are  no  more:  And  upon  their  site  a  new  state  has 
risen,  destined  to  repress  France,  and  to  live  under 
the  general  guarantee  of  Europe.  This  change  has 
given  an  entirely  new  face  to  the  French  policy,  on 
this  side.  France  can  no  longer  look  here  for  ag- 
grandizements ;  she  should  think  only  of  interdicting 
them  to  others  at  her  expense.  For  the  encroach- 
ments upon  France  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Nether- 
lands, would  not  be  opposed  by  England  and  by 
Prussia,  as  those  of  France  upon  that  state  assuredly 
would  be.  According  to  this  new  order  of  things, 
two  different  relations  are  established  between  the 
new  states :  neutrality  on  land : — alliance  on  the  sea. 
France  and  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  stand 
related  to  each  other,  and  with  respect  to  England,  in 
the  same  manner  as  Prussia  and  Austria,  with  regard 
to  Russia:  and  for  the  same  reason;  the  excessive 
power  of  each. 

Prussia  was  the  ally  of  France.  Geography,  the 
mistress  of  policy,  had  formed  this  alliance.  They 
Avere  allied  because  they  were  separated :  they  have 
approached  and  the  alliance  is  dissolved.     When  the 


0S 

cabinet  of  Versailles  formed  the  treaty  of  1756,  it 
offered  violence  to  nature ;  by  giving  to  France,  for 
allies,  her  neighbours  in  Belgium ;  and  for  enemies, 
her  ancient  allies  beyond  the  Rhine.  The  resistance 
of  nature  was  visible  in  the  disasters  which  followed, 
and  in  the  punishment  of  the  fault  which  was  thus 
committed.  The  laws  of  policy  like  those  of  nature,? 
cannot  be  violated  with  impunity;  certain  penalties 
are  equally  attached  to  their  transgression.  But,  the 
congress  of  Vienna  has  in  this  point,  renewed  the 
fault  of  1756,  and  reproduced  the  violation  of  the 
natural  order  of  things :  it  has  sanctioned  one  of  the 
great  aberrations  of  the  policy  of  Mr.  Pitt,  which, 
against  the  same  nature  of  things,  tended  to  approach 
Prussia  to  France  with  the  view  of  opposing  them  to 
each  other :  an  anti-social  calculation  in  the  political 
order  of  Europe,  tending  to  provoke  the  renewal  of 
wars;  and  which,  by  dividing  Prussia  into  many 
parts,  has  enfeebled  her  to  a  degree  that,  with  respect 
to  Russia,  is  next  to  nullity.  By  carrying  one  half 
of  Prussia  to  the  gates  of  France,  it  is  found  that 
this  power  is  made  to  occupy  the  same  place 
which  was  filled  during  a  century  by  Austria ;  the 
same  which  Spain  had  held  during  two  hundred 
years.  It  is  sufficient  to  look  at  what  passed  between 
these  powers  in  all  this  interval  of  time,  to  be  enabled 
to  appreciate  the  nature  of  such  approaches.  The 
alliance,  therefore,  of  Prussia  with  France  is  broken 
by  the  nature  of  things;  they  are  neighbours,  they 
cannot  be  allies,  Prussia  wholly  exposed  on  the' 
side  next  to  France  cannot  but  covet  some  shreds  of 
her  possessions,  to  cover  her  own  nudity.  Of  this 
she  has  given  a  proof  by  thie  appropriation  of  Saar- 


99 

iouis.  She  would  infallibly  eountenance  the  further 
augmentation  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  at 
the  expense  of  France ;  because  this  state  is  less  ca- 
pable than  France  of  exciting  her  jealousy :  And  if 
then  the  two  states  should  establish  between  them 
the  judicious  and  equal  system  of  proportional  ag- 
grandizements ;  a  system  which  has  cost  Poland  her 
existence :  it  .will  follow  that  the  frontiers  of  France 
must  recede  on  one  side  as  much  as  on  the  other. 
Such  are  the  fruits  France  has  to  reap  from  the  poli- 
cy of  sentiment  and  of  consanguinity!  There  can 
occur  but  one  case  in  Avhich  France  would,  as  it  were 
naturally,  throw  her  weight  into  the  scale  of  Prussia, 
that  in  which  the  banuer,  should  be  too  strongly  as- 
sailed on  her  side ;  every  where  else  there  is  divorce 
between  the  two  states.  In  the  event  of  disputes 
between  Austria  and  Prussia,  all  things  forbid  France 
to  interfere.  Prussia,  with  that  part  of  the  Germanic 
confederation  which  appertains  to  her,  will  be  always 
sufficiently  strong  against  Austria;  for  Prussia  will 
always  have  allies  in  Germany;  but  Austria  never, 
France  has  no  occasion  to  move  on  account  of  differ- 
ences that  must  be  dicided  on  the  frontiers  of  Sile- 
sia and  of  Bohemia :  And  in  case  one  of  the  con- 
tending parties  should  threaten  to  oppress,  it  will  re- 
main for  Russia  to  restore  the  equilibrium. 

The  actual  system  of  France  with  regard  to  Prus« 
sia,  is  therefore  no  less  simple,  although  in  an  oppo^ 
site  sense,  than  was  her  ancient  system. 

Then  it  was  all  alliance :  now  it  is  all  alienation  | 
which  does  not  imply  that  the  two  states  should  feel 
hostile  dispositions,  one  against  the  other,  and  as  it 
were,  cultivate  enmities^     Heaven  forbid  that  such 


100 

an  idea  should  ever  present  itself:  but  only  that  the 
nature  of  things,  and  the  force  of  interests,  do  not  es- 
tablish between  them  any  motive  of  approximation; 
and  on  the  contrary,  that  they  have  created  many 
capable  of  dividing  them. 

Thus  Prussia  in  her  possessions  between  the  Meuse 
and  Rhine,  will  be  less  inclined  to  favour  the  French 
commerce,  than  were  a  multitude  of  ^petty  princes 
who  had  not  established  the  imposts,  which  the  more 
considerable  expenses  of  Prussia  will  oblige  her  to 
exact;  who  were  not  exclusively  intent  upon  en- 
couraging the  productions  of  the  German  soil  and 
industry,  as  Prussia  will  not  fail  to  be.  The  calcula- 
tions and  the  administration  of  a  great  state,  like 
Prussia,  that  has  need  to  cherish  all  the  branches  of  its 
revenues,  cannot  resemble  those  of  princes  who  were 
too  insignificant  to  have  a  rank  assigned  them  in 
policy. 

The  alliance  of  France  and  of  Sweden  is  of  ancient 
date.  Its  first  object  was  to  oppose  a  barrier  against 
Austria.  But  how  are  times  changed?  The  dan- 
gers and  the  enemy  are  elsewhere.  No  more  in  the 
plains  of  Germany  will  the  successors  of  Gustavus 
meet  the  French  armies  in  view  of  Austria ;  it  is  no 
longer  on  the  land  that  they  could  act  in  concert,  but 
their  union  should  be  formed  upon  the  very  shores  of 
the  Baltic.  The  creation  of  Russia,  and  her  imposing 
entrance  upon  the  scene  of  Europe,  have  changed  all. 
France  and  Sweden,  having  nothing  to  envy  each 
other;  nothing  to  ask  of  each  other,  either  in  Europe 
or  in  the  colonies ;  both  abounding  in  different  pro- 
ductions; contain  between  them  no  cause  of  exclusion, 
and  present  a  thousand  of  reciprocal  amity.     The 


101 

magnetic  needle  is  not  more  surely  attracted  towards' 
the  pole  than  France  towards  the  powers  of  the  north, 
that  are  inferior  to  Russia.  The  same  thing  should 
be  said  of  Denmark,  but  in  the  proportion  of  its  forces; 
which  are  far  from  corresponding-  with  those  of  Swe- 
den. The  new  maritime  system,  into  Avhich  France 
is  forced  to  enter,  inclines  her  to  the  alliance  of  Swe- 
den and  of  Denmark.  These  powers  are  inferior  to 
{England  at  sea ;  consequently  they  appertain  to  the 
confederation,  whose  chief  approaches  nearest  in 
power  to  the  common  enemy,  and  presents  the  great- 
est number  of  means  to  repress  him;  and  who  has 
better  claims  to  fill  this  character  than  France;  who 
being  the  strongest  of  the  secondary  naval  powers,  is 
their  natural  centre,  and  as  it  were,  the  capital  of 
neutrals? 

All  we  have  hitherto  said  relates  to  the  continental 
division  of  the  north.  Let  us  now  see  what  passes 
in  that  of  the  south,  with  reference  to  France. 

It  contains  Italy,  Spain  and  Portugal.  France  has 
no  longer  any  thing  to  do  in  Italy :  the  influence  she 
has  exercised  there,  is  precisely  what  causes  her  to 
be  banished  from  it,  in  these  new  circumstances.  The 
hearts  of  the  people  are  indeed  still  devoted  to  France; 
but  the  gi'eater  her  popularity,  the  greater  the  aver- 
sion of  the  Italian  governments  towards  her;  the  great- 
er the  regrets  and  the  recollections  she  has  left,  the 
less  can  she  depend  on  the  affections  of  those  who 
govern.  They  would  never  address  themselves  to 
France,  but  in  the  case  of  extreme  apprehensions 
against  Austria ;  a  more  imminent  peril  might  impose 
silence  on  their  other  terrors :  in  this  case  even,  it 
would  be  wise  to  examine  how  far  interest  would 


102 

command  France  to  interfere :  for  whether  Italy  be  a 
little  more  or  a  little  less  in  the  possession  of  Austria; 
whether  this  country  number  a  few  useless  princes 
more  or  less;  wherein  M-ould  it  interest  France,  or 
even  Europe,  to  the  well-being  of  whom  they  contri- 
bute nothing?  For  it  is  the  nature  of  these  petty 
states  to  be  burdensome  to  all ;  supports  to  none. 
Besides,  is  it  proved  how  far  it  would  be  for  the  in- 
terest of  Austria  to  extend  herself  in  Italy;  and  whe- 
ther too  great  a  mass  of  Italians  would  be  a  force 
rather  than  a  danger? 

There  was  a  time  when  France  was  charsred  with 
the  protection  of  the  dutchies  of  Parma  and  of  Pla- 
centia,  as  family  possessions  of  the  Bourbons.  This 
little  state  participated  in  the  effects,  and  in  the  affec- 
tions of  the  family  compact  which  subsisted  between 
France  and  Spain ;  but  was  never  able  to  ren- 
der France  any  service  whatever.  Naples  was  equally 
useless.  This  state  is  neither  to  be  attacked  nor  de- 
fended by  land;  it  is  by  sea  alone  that  dangers  or 
succours  can  approach  it.  When  a  capital,  which 
is  almost  the  entire  state,  is  situated  within  cannon 
shot  of  a  hostile  fleet,  this  state  appertains  to  whoever 
can  shew  such  a  fleet  in  its  waters.  Sixty  years  of 
experience  have  taught  that  Naples  must  always  final- 
ly abide  the  pleastire  of  England ;  and  that  there  ex- 
ists between  the  walls  of  this  city,  and  the  arsenal  of 
Portsmouth,  a  compact  of  terror  more  effectual  than 
all  family  compacts :  the  latter  will  never  acquire  any 
real  validity  till  their  ratification  shall  be  confirmed  in 
the  arsenals  of  Brest  and  of  Toulon ;  for  so  long  as 
these  shall  remain  inferior  to  those  of  the  Thames, 
so  long  the  family  compact  will  continue  an  empty 
r.ame. 


103 

Spiiin  is  equally  insulated ;  surely  France  cannot 
think  of  attacking-  her  by  land :  what  has  lately  hap- 
pened is  the  product  of  extraordinary  circumstances : 
but  the  system  is  re-established,  such  as  it  existed 
from  the  time  of  Philip  V.;  and  the  basis  of  this  sys- 
tem is  peace  with  France.  In  like  manner  Spain 
cannot  be  attacked  by  any  continental  power:  France 
serves  as  her  bulwark  and  her  shield.  Spain  is  a 
species  of  continental  island ;  policy  has  completed 
for  her  the  work  of  nature.  The  example  of  Napoleon 
must  have  taught  that  if  nothing  is  more  easy  than  to 
enter  Spain,  nothing  is  more  difficult  than  to  subsist 
and  remain  there,  and  nothing  more  impossible  than 
to  get  out  of  it.  Napoleon  took  on  himself  to  esta- 
blish that  there  existed  in  Europe  two  unassailable 
states — Spain  and  Russia :  the  one  by  its  extent  and 
climate,  the  other  from  the  manners  of  its  inhabitants- 
It  would  be  as  wise  to  march  into  Turkey  as  into 
Spain. 

The  enmity  of  Spain  against  France  extinguished, 
by  the  accession  of  the  house  of  Bourbon  to  the 
throne  of  Spain,  had  cost  them  both  dear;  and  what 
proves  clearly  that  the  hatred  was  not  in  things  but 
in  men  is,  that  the  change  of  the  latter  has  sufficed  to 
obliterate  these  animosities,  after,  and  in  spite  of, 
three  hundred  years  of  hostilities.  The  friendship 
of  Spain  has  been  without  utility  to  France;  and  the 
friendship  of  the  latter  has  been  pernicious  to  Spain; 
so  defective  are  the  elements  of  this  union  so  much 
extolled.  The  reason  of  it  is  very  simple ;  it  is,  that 
the  two  states  do  not  touch  nor  sustain  each  other 
but  by  their  weak  part;  which  is  contrary  to  the  na- 
ture of  all  good  and  solid  alliance.     The  strong  part 


104 

of  France  is  the  land  and  her  army;  the  weak  part  is 
the  sea  and  her  navy;  but  it  is  only  upon  the  sea,  and 
with  their  fleets,  that  Spain  and  France  can  unite  and 
support  each  other;  it  is  only  against  England  they 
can  act;  and,  in  this  case,  their  union  represents  the 
combination  of  two  that  are  feeble  against  one  that  is 
strong,  and  stronger  than  both,  either  together,  or  se- 
parately; and  who,  consequently,  can  only  combine 
to  receive  blows  together.  Sixty  years  of  disaster-s 
are  the  unexceptionable  witnesses  of  this  assertion. 

In  the  war  of  1740,  the  united  armies  of  France 
and  Spain  took  Naples  and  Parma  from  Austria,  and 
caused  them  to  pass  to  branches  of  the  Bourbon  fa- 
mily. The  alliance  was  found  to  have  energy,  be- 
cause each  of  its  members  acted  with  its  strong  part, 
its  army;  but,  in  the  war  of  1756,  the  cabinet  of  Ver- 
sailles believed,  very  erroneously,  it  had  re-establish- 
ed its  fortunes  by  forming  the  family  compact  with 
Spain;  whereas  experience  soon  proved  that  it  had 
only  associated  its  unfortunate  ally  to  its  own  disas- 
ters; for  neither  France  nor  Spain  were  able  to  em- 
ploy their  real  force;  having  nothing  to  oppose  to  the 
strong  part  of  their  enemy  but  that  which  was  weak- 
est in  themselves;  a  conflict  was  therefore  established 
entirely  to  his  advantage.  It  was  evident,  that  France 
and  Spain  knew  not  wherein  consisted  their  sti'ength 
or  their  weakness;  that  they  were  ignorant  of  the 
genuine  principle  of  alliances;  accordingly  it  has  al- 
ways happened  that  Spain  has  been  unfortunate  in 
her  connexions  with  France;  and  that  England  would 
have  been  much  disappointed  not  to  find  Spain  in  an 
imion,  into  which  she  could  only  enter  as  her  prey. 
Advantage  was  taken  of  the  profound  resentment 


105 

Charles  III.  had  retained  against  the  English  for 
the  menaces  of  bombardment,  which  admiral  Mat- 
thews had  caused  him  to  fear  when  king  of  Naples, 
to  draw  this  prince  into  an  alliance  that,  evidently, 
could  tend  only  to  the  prejudice  of  Spain. 

In  the  war  of  American  independence,  the  cele- 
brated junction  of  the  two  fleets  could  neither  effect  a 
descent  upon  the  coasts  of  England,  nor  prevent  the 
relief  of  Gibraltar,  nor  wash  out  the  affront  of  the 
twelfth  of  April.  It  was  not  the  weight  of  this  coali- 
tion, but  the  nature  of  things,  which  decided  the  in- 
dependence of  America.  Without  it,  there  would 
have  been  one  or  two  campaigns  more;  but  the  result, 
thouirh  less  immediate,  was  not  the  less  certain. 

Much  has  been  said  of  the  commercial  advantages 
that  have  resulted  to  France  from  the  Spanish  alliance. 
But  neither  is  this  opinion  well  founded. 

France  has  enjoyed  no  commercial  advantage  in 
Spanish  America;  she  was  excluded  equally  with  all 
other  nations;  for  this  country  was  subject  to  the  laws 
of  the  most  rigid  exclusion.  Strangers  were  never 
permitted  to  traffic  there  openly;  and  the  benefits  of 
contraband  were  then,  as  at  this  day,  exclusively  en- 
joyed by  England. 

By  the  treaty  of  the  Assiento,  Spain  had  ceded  to 
England  the  exclusive  privilege  of  supplying  her  co- 
lonies with  slaves;  a  commerce  of  immense  value; 
England  also  derived  the  principal  benefit  resulting 
from  the  deficiencies  of  the  tariff"  of  1778,  granted 
by  Spain  to  her  colonies.  Thus,  France  only  gleaned, 
where  England  was  permitted  to  monopolize  the  har- 
vest; she  gained  some  trivial  profits,  where  England 
accumulated  millions.     If  the  southern  provinces  of 


106 

France  maintained  beneficial  relations  with  Spain, 
they  were  less  the  effect  of  the  alliance,  or  personal 
favour  of  Spain,  than  that  of  vicinity;  and  of  the  dif- 
ference of  the  industry,  and  of  the  activity  of  the  two 
people.  Nature  and  interest  had  formed  these  ties, 
and  not  the  preferences  granted  by  policy. 

It  is  natural  to  procure  what  is  wanting  at  home 
in  places  that  are  nearest  and  the  least  expensive;  so, 
also,  it  is  natural  that  labour  should  furnish  to  sloth, 
more  than  it  receives  from  it.  These  are  the  only 
sources  of  the  respective  advantages  between  France 
and  Spain.  Cadiz  admitted  the  products  of  the  Eng- 
lish manufactures,  as  freely  as  those  of  the  French; 
Cadiz  contained  ten  English  houses,  for  one  French; 
all  was  therefore  equal  on  the  two  sides,  and  the  state 
of  civilization  will  prevent  France  from  enjoying  any 
privilege  in  future;  for,  henceforth,  there  will  be  no 
longer  any  privileged  people;  privileges  passing  from 
men  to  things,  will  no  longer  be  attached  but  to  good 
merchandise  and  to  low  prices;  and  one  of  the  great- 
est social  errors  will  thus  be  reformed. 

The  alliance  of  Spain,  therefore,  has  been  of  no 
sort  of  use  to  France;  it  has  not  improved  the  situa- 
tion of  this  monarch}-;  but  has  on  many  occasions 
exposed  it  to  be  seriously  compromised,  as  in  1770, 
for  the  quarrel  of  the  Malouine  Islands;  in  1790,  for 
that  of  Nootka  Sound.  Twenty  years  of  alliance  in 
the  course  of  the  revolution  have  contributed  no  ser- 
vice to  France;  and,  if  it  has  been  useless  to  her,  in 
amends,  it  has  ruined  Spain,  and  finally  cost  hej" 
America. 

During  all  this  time,  the  ports  of  Spain  were  block- 
aded; commerce  interrliptedj  all  her  fleets  defeated 


107 

or  destroyed;  insular  pasitions,  such  as  Trinidad,  oc- 
cupied. Spain,  who  had  been  unable  to  defend  her- 
self against  France,  succeeded  no  better  against  Eng- 
land; and  was,  in  her  turn,  unable  to  defend  France 
against  her.  Then  followed  the  great  catastrophe  of 
Bayonne,  which,  perhaps,  would  never  have  taken 
place,  but  for  this  fatal  alliance;  which  gave  France 
the  right  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  Spain. 

The  intimate  alliance  with  Spain  was,  therefore, 
a  very  defective  article  in  the  French  policy;  but  what 
has  been  only  superfluous,  or  faulty,  in  this  policy,  in 
the  new  state  of  things  becomes  incompatible,  and  in- 
tolerable. 

According  to  the  ancient  system,  France  was  in- 
terested to  preserve  America  to  Spain,  and  that  in  an 
exclusive  manner;  at  present,  the  same  interest  re- 
quires that  she  should  labour  to  effect  their  separation. 
At  that  time  America  was  a  Spanish  colony;  she  has 
now  to  prevent  it  from  becoming  altogether  a  colony 
of  England. 

Spain  is  too  feeble  to  regain  her  colonies,  as  she 
would  be  to  control,  though  she  were  to  recover 
them.  She  exhausts  herself  in  an  unequal  contest, 
and  therefore  disastrous;  she  will  finally  cause  herself 
to  be  excluded  from  America;  meanwhile,  England 
is  gaining  an  establishment  in  South  America,  (not 
with  the  succours  of  government,  but  with  those  of 
individuals,)  and  forming  relations  which  no  course 
of  events  can  ever  dissolve.  Individuals  in  England 
are  doing  for  Southern  America  what  France,  as  a 
government,  had  done  for  the  United  States.  When 
America  shall  be  filled  with  English  commercial  esta- 
blishments; when,  by  studying  its  wants,  and  its  dis- 


108 

positions,  England  shall  have  gained  strong  hold  of 
the  hearts,  of  the  tastes,  and  of  the  affections  of  its 
inhabitants,  who  shall  attempt  to  supplant  her,  to  ex- 
pel her,  to  deprive  her  of  this  cream  of  the  products 
of  America;  which  she  has  the  art  to  appropriate,  as 
well  as  that  of  every  other  commerce  in  the  universe? 

In  this  respect  the  French  policy  evidently  pursues 
a  false  route;  and  follows  the  aberrations  of  the  con- 
gress of  Vienna,  which  led  it  to  prefer  useless  Saxo- 
ny to  dangerous  Prussia.  The  French  policy  shews 
itself  averse  to  the  revolution  of  America;  it  would 
combat  it  in  the  name  of  legitimacy  and  family  ties, 
if  its  means  or  the  times  would  permit.  France  hav- 
ing nothing  to  demand  of  Spain,  nothing  to  expect 
from  her,  nothing  to  fear  from  her,  finds  herself  in  the 
most  favourable  position  to  reclaim  her  ally  to  reason, 
on  the  subject  of  the  great  drama  of  America,  which 
involves  the  future  destiny  of  the  world.  None  so 
happily  situated  as  France  to  act  with  effect  upon  the 
councils  of  Spain,  and  cause  the  light  to  penetrate 
them  which  is  wanting  in  that  benighted  country. 

France  should  endeavour  to  make  Spain  under- 
stand how  much  it  is  her  interest  to  preserve  her  own 
forces;  and  not  to  exhaust  those  of  America;  as  also 
not  to  make  sterile  its  fields,  nor  to  alienate  the  hearts 
of  its  inhabitants,  and  thus  give  them  to  England; 
whom  their  reciprocal  union  should  serve  to  repress, 
at  a  future  day.  She  should  open  before  the  eyes  of 
Spain,  wounded  in  her  pride,  misconceiving  her  in- 
terests, considering  only  the  past  and  the  present;  she 
should  open  the  gates  of  the  future;  unveil  it  without 
softening  as  without  fear,  (for  it  is  only  thus  she  can 
be  served,)  and  shew  her,  in  a  sacrifice  become  neces- 


100 

saiy,  the  elements  of  her  own  regeneration,  as  well 
as  those  of  the  maritime  liberation  of  Europe ;  which 
ho  longer  can  come  but  from  America. 

Such  are  the  high  considerations  by  which  France 
should  seek  to  act  upon  Spain,  throwing  aside  se- 
condary considerations  which  present  no  resource 
ac:ainst  the  existinsr  evil:  such  as  the  mortification 
attached  to  the  relinquishment  of  a  possession,  like 
America;  legitimacy;  resentment  against  the  revolu- 
tion ;  apprehensions  from  encouragement  given  anew 
to  the  spirit  of  independence.  It  is  better  to  learn  to 
say,  that  whatever  can  be  felt  as  man  shall  prevent 
nothing,  shall  change  nothing  in  tlie  political  order: 
that  for  these  forty  years  England  has  digested  the 
humiliation  and  the  chagrin  occasioned  by  her  colonies 
in  North  America;  whose  independence  however  re- 
luctantly, she  was  finally  compelled  to  acknowledge ; 
and,  in  fine,  that  when  destiny  can  neither  be  resisted 
nor  changed,  courage  no  longer  consists  in  continu- 
ing to  oppose  it  without  reason;  but  in  submitting 
with  a  good  grace  to  its  decrees ;  as  the  man  of  in- 
trepid heart  sees  approach  and  receives  unmoved,  the 
blow  that  brings  him  death. 

Spain  should  see,  that  for  her  as  well  as  for  France, 
this  is  the  only  means  to  enter  anew  with  some  splen- 
dour the  career  of  high  policy ;  from  which  the  gene- 
ral state  of  the  world  excludes  them  both,  upon  the 
continent.  Since  the  war  of  the  Spanish  succession, 
Portugal  has  become  the  enemy  of  France ;  or  at  least 
estranged  from  her.  It  was  sufficient  that  the  throne 
of  Spain  should  be  filled  by  a  branch  of  the  Bourbons, 
to  dissolve  the  alliance  that  had  subsisted  between 
France  and  Portugal.     This  alliance  had  been  ce- 


110 

niented  by  the  opposition  of  France  to  Spain  when 
governed  by  princes  of  the  Austrian  family:  from 
the  time  when  France  succeeded  to  their  place,  she 
necessarily  succeeded  to  the  enmities  that  were  at- 
tached to  it.  This  consequence  flowed  from  the 
general  laws  of  alliances;  which  reason  prohibits 
when  they  are  not  full  and  entire,  and  when  they  do 
not  exclude  all  the  enemies  of  each  party  to  the  com- 
pact. It  was  evident  that  the  house  of  Bourbon 
placed  upon  the  two  thrones  of  France  and  Spain, 
gave  the  house  of  Braganza  to  England. 

In  the  place  of  this  house,  any  other  had  done  the 
same;  governed  alone  by  the  interests  of  country. 
Thus  the  succession  of  Spain,  attributed  to  the  house 
of  Bourbon,  had  changed  all  the  relations  between 
France  and  Portugal.  From  allies,  they  had  become 
enemies. 

Since  this  epoch,  France,  in  concert  with  Spain, 
has  twice  attacked  Portugal,  without  any  personal 
interest ;  and  England  has  been  seen  as  often  to  fly 
to  its  succour. 

In  1756,  by  virtue  of  the  family  compact,  a  French 
corps  u  as  united  to  the  Spanish  army  which  menaced 
Portugal ;  not  from  any  displeasure  against  this  state 
personally;  it  was  however  considered  as  the  ally  of 
England;  and  it  was  hoped  by  this  invasion  to  force 
the  latter  to  give  up  the  colonies,  which  by  means  of 
her  naval  superiority  she  had  taken,  successively. 
This  calculation  was  attended  with  no  better  success 
than  all  those  that  were  made  at  that  time;  for  1.  The 
English  and  the  Portuguese,  under  the  command  of 
a  man  of  genius  the  Count  de  la  Lippe,  arrested  the 
progress  of  the  combined  army  of  France   and  of 


Ill 

Spain.  2.  In  the  course  of  the  revolution,  France 
and  Spain  have  invaded  Portugal;  have  forced  the 
sovereign  of  this  country  to  seek  an  asylum  in  Ame- 
rica ;  and  although  the  transitory  possession  of  Portu- 
gal became  the  source  of  signal  defeats  for  both,  it 
ne\'ertheless  opened  the  W2iy  for  two  important 
changes,  the  one  in  America,  the  other  in  Europe; 
the  erection  of  the  kingdom  of  Brazil ;  and  the  loss 
of  its  sovereign  for  Portugal.  This  state  has  thereby 
sustained  a  complete  metamorphosis:  it  has  fallen 
into  an  order  of  things  not  easily  defined:  from  a 
mother- country  it  has  become  a  colony ;  the  tributary 
of  that,  over  which  it  was  the  sovereign ;  guarded  by 
a  foreign  army;  too  strong  to  be  subjected  by  its  new 
metropolis ;  too  feeble  to  resist  its  foreign  guardians ; 
regretting  the  past,  dissatisfied  with  the  present,  and 
anxious  for  the  future :  if  France  had  no  interests  to 
arrange,  directly,  with  Portugal  when  vassal  of  Eng- 
land, she  has  still  fewer  relations  with  Portugal,  a 
province  of  Brazil,  and  an  English  factory. 

France,  as  has  already  been  shewn,  has  no  direct 
interests  to  cultivate  in  Italy.  The  sovereign  of 
Piedmont  will  be  always  at  his  post  to  exercise,  with 
respect  to  her,  the  functions  of  gaoler  of  the  Alps ; 
he  would  even,  if  pushed  to  extremity,  solicit  Austria 
to  aid  him  in  defending  them.  He  would  do  the 
same  against  Austria ;  and  would  look  towards  France 
for  the  means  of  resisting  the  encroachments  of  that 
power.  Thus  he  will  always  act  defensively,  whether 
against  the  one  or  against  the  other.  France  had  mul- 
tiplied intermarriages  with  the  family  which  reigns  in 
Piedmont.  These  alliances  did  not  accom  >lish  the 
political  object  which  had  b3en  purposed  in  form- 


112 

ing  them,  nor  prevail  against  the  able  and  well  di- 
gested plans  which  regulated  the  policy  of  this  little 
state ;  such  as  alone  can  ensure  the  safety  of  all  feeble 
states  wedged  in  among  the  territories  of  states  much 
stronger  than  themselves.  Piedmont  had  been  go- 
verned with  much  wisdom  and  indulgence  by  a  long 
series  of  frugal  and  able  princes.  In  the  war  of  the 
Spanish  succession  the  duke  of  Savoy  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  take  part  against  the  two  states,  in  which  his 
two  daughters  reigned.  He  was  indebted  to  this 
measure,  dictated  by  transcendant  policy,  for  the 
augmentation  of  his  title  and  that  of  his  domains. 
At  present  since  all  upper  Italy  has  become  Aus- 
trian, Piedmont  is  the  natural  ally  of  France;  because 
the  Alps  interpose  between  the  two  states  a  great 
barrier,  which  is  wanting  on  the  side  of  the  Austrian 
possessions.  The  power  of  taking  an  inch  of  ground 
from  Piedmont,  would  not  be  conceded  France.  All 
would  combine  to  prevent  her.  But  that  which 
^vould  be  prohibited  to  herself,  she  ought,  on  her 
part,  to  prohibit  others;  and  to  oppose  the  smallest 
encroachment  on  Piedmont. 

This  state,  like  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands 
has,  therefore,  in  the  general  order  guarantees  of 
stability. 

France  has  no  interests  to  discuss  with  Tuscany, 
Parma,  the  state  of  the  Pope ;  no  more  than  with  the 
kingdom  of  Naples.  The  two  former  are  but  ap- 
pendages of  Austria ;  Naples  has  French  affections, 
and  English  fears. 

France  at  present,  could  only  communicate  with 
Naples  by  sea:  a  costly  route,  often  interdicted,  little 
favourable  to  the  transportation  of  a  numerous  corps; 


113 

aiid  in  which,  besides,  England  would  be  encoun- 
tered. The  occupation  of  Malta,  and  of  the  Ionian 
islands,  secure  to  this  power  a  preponderance  over 
Naples;  she  controls  the  Mediterranean  from  three 
grand  points,  of  which  she  has  providently  acquired 
the  possession;  Gibraltar,  Malta,  Corfu.  She  has 
possessed  Minorca;  if  it  revert  to  her  again,  such  an 
augmentation  of  insular  points  of  support,  dependant 
entirely  on  the  marine  bodi  for  attack  and  defence, 
combined  with  the  increase  of  the  English  navy, 
^vould  make  of  the  Mediterranean  an  English  road. 

On  inquiring  what  interests  can  unite  France  to 
Naples,  none  are  discovered.  The  country  presents 
her  only  melancholy  historical  recollections,  and  ex- 
amples of  domination  effaced  almost  as  soon  as  es- 
tablished. Naples  is  a  stuif  on  which  the  French 
stamp  will  not  remain. 

The  French  influence  has  always  been  great  at 
Rome ;  which  place  became  the  seat  of  three  factions ; 
those  of  France,  Spain  and  Austria,  who  especially 
employed  their  address  to  obtain  for  themselves  the 
nomination  of  a  Pope  favourable  to  their  views.  In 
this  conduct  there  was  more  of  routine  than  of  calcu- 
lation ;  for  it  is  long  since  Rome  has  possessed  any 
importance  or  significance.  On  considering  the  ob- 
ject of  Rome  in  the  political  order,  the  reason  is  not 
perceived  of  the  value  that  has  been  attached  to  her 
connexion.  It  has  only  contributed  to  give  Rome, 
(flattered  by  this  homage  of  habit,  but  mistaking  its 
nature,)  an  exaggerated  idea  of  her  importance,  and 
to  render  her  difficult ;  a  respectful  indifference  in  the 
political  order  was  the  only  reasonable  conduct  in  her 
regard.     She  was  entitled  to  nothing  better.     Since 


114 

the  time  of  the  Julius  IPs.,  of  the  Leo  X's.  and  of 
the  Sixtus  Quintus's  was  past,  wherefore  continue  to 
cower  as  if  it  still  existed?  Time  has  sunk  the  tiara 
to  the  level  of  altars,  and  below  the  thrones  of  the 
world. 

Since  Austria  occupies  all  upper  Italy,  the  nature 
of  things  would  give  Rome  to  France,  alone  capable 
of  defending  her  against  this  powerful  neighbour. 
Upon  the  banks  of  the  Po,  one  Austrian,  the  other 
Papal,  the  alliance  with  France  has  been  signed :  but 
the  effects  of  the  sentiment  which  inclines  Rome  to- 
wards France  will  be  repressed  by  the  remembrance 
of  what  has  passed  in  late  times ;  and  the  terrors  in- 
spired by  the  immediate  vicinity  of  a  power  of  such 
weight  as  that  of  Austria. 

In  this  union  all  the  advantage  would  be  on  the 
side  of  the  Pope;  for  how  does  it  concern  France 
whether  the  domains  of  the  church  be  more  or  less 
extensive.  The  general  system  of  Italy  having  been 
frustrated,  a  few  spots  more  or  less  are  of  no  im- 
portance to  the  general  effect  of  the  picture.  The 
pope,  as  chief  of  the  catholic  ceremonial,  is  of  great 
interest  to  France,  which  proceeds  from  the  connex- 
ion of  the  spiritual  with  the  temporal ;  but,  as  a  se- 
cular prince,  he  is  absolutely  null  in  respect  to  her. 

Turkey  was  the  most  ancient  and  the  most  faith- 
ful ally  of  France.  This  was  naturally  to  have  been 
expected,  when  the  latter  combated  Austria,  the 
enemy  of  the  crescent;  while  the  two  states  were  in 
contact  both  in  Belgium  and  upon  other  points;  but, 
since  great  distances  separate  them,  the  necessity  of 
this  connexion  is  no  longer  felt.  It  was  possible  to 
be  the  ally  of  the  Turks,  when  their  civilization  had 


115 

not  remained  inferior  to  that  of  Europe  in  degrees  that 
separate  Turkey  from  Europe  ahnost  as  far  as  China 
is  distant  from  this  country;  at  that  time  the  Turkish 
state  had  force,  and  a  real,  though  irregular  vigour. 
But  since,  from  the  effects  of  a  stationary  order,  and 
of  the  repulsion  of  every  species  of  change,  Turkey 
has  remained,  in  tlie  midst  of  the  general  movement 
of  Europe,  in  the  state  which  under  the  Selims  and 
the  Amuraths  rendered  her  formidable,  this  power 
has  lost  all  its  energy  and  all  its  importance.  Tur- 
key of  the  present  day  is  to  Europe,  what  Spain  is 
found  to  be;  Charles  V.  would  be  lost  in  it,  and  in- 
quire for  his  monarchy;  as  would  Selim  in  his  em- 
pire. At  the  utmost,  should  there  be  necessity  for  a 
general  league  against  Russia,  Turkey  might  be  al' 
lowed  to  enter  it  as  number;  such  is  the  inevitable 
effect  of  all  delay  in  civilization,  it  gives  immense 
disadvantages  in  regard  to  those  who  have  been  able 
to  guard  against  it. 

During  many  ages,  France  attached  great  import- 
ance to  the  commerce  of  the  Levant,  in  which  she 
took  the  lead;  and  her  allies,  the  Turks,  caused  her 
to  enjoy  peculiar  advantages. 

This  epoch  preceded  that  of  the  creation  of  the 
great  naval  and  manufacturing  power  of  England; 
but,  since  both  have  arrived  at  a  height  which  com- 
mands the  world,  things  have  necessarily  changed. 
England  has  established  herself  in  a  manner  that 
gives  her  the  conti'ol  of  the  Mediterranean.  She 
guards  its  entrance  by  Gibraltar,  the  centre  by  Malta: 
Corfu  gives  her  the  Adriatic  and  all  the  western  coast 
of  European  Turkey.  The  Turks,  even  more  than, 
other  men,  are  guided  by  fear,  rather  than  by  love: 


116 

and  England  alone  is  to  be  feared  in  die  Mediterra- 
nean; she,  who  is  so  far  from  it,  alone  has  had  the 
art  to  establish  herself  there,  by  her  insular  posses- 
sions,  far  above  the  powers  who  possess  its  shores. 
Thus  France  and  Spain,  with  a  great  part  of  their 
coasts  facing  the  Mediterranean,  do  not  exercise  there 
a  tenth  part  of  the  influence  which  appertains  to  Eng- 
land in  the  very  places  from  which  nature  has  placed 
her  so  remote;  but,  the  art  of  policy  has  compensat- 
ed the  work  of  nature,  and  filled  up  distances.  The 
expedition  of  Egypt  had  alienated  the  Divan  from 
France.  The  enemies  of  the  latter,  represented  this 
enterprize  as  an  aggression  committed  in  the  midst 
of  peace;  and  England  as  a  support. 

The  liberty  given  by  Napoleon  to  Russia  in  1807, 
to  attack  Moldavia,  finally  determined  Turkey  in  a 
direction  entirely  English.  England  interfered  to 
obtain  peace  for  her  in  1812;  since  which  time  the 
English  flag  has  not  ceased  to  give  law  in  all  the  seas 
of  the  Ottoman  Empire. 

This  was  quite  sufficient  to  annul  the  French 
power  in  the  eyes  of  the  Turks;  and  in  the  actual 
state  of  Europe,  it  is  very  evident  that  France  has  no 
influence  at  Constantinople;  which  is  under  the  triple 
yoke  of  Russia,  of  x^ustria,  and  of  England. 

But  there  is  another  political  sphere  in  \Ahich 
France  is  invited  to  play  a  great  part;  excluded,  ex- 
cept in  extreme  cases,  from  the  continental  policy 
here,  she  is  found  in  the  foremost  rank — what  do  I 
say? — in  the  very  centre  of  the  European  policy,  of 
which  she  forms  the  pivot.  It  will  be  understood 
that  I  allude  to  the  rank  which  the  nature  of  things 
assigns  to  France  in  the  maritime  order  of  Europe; 


117 

She  forms  its  ba^is,  and,  as  it  were,  the  bond  that 
connects  all  the  maritime  states.  They  are  seen  dis- 
posed by  this  nature  of  things,  to  groupe  themselves 
around  France,  as  around  a  common  centre.  From 
the  farthest  extremity  of  the  Baltic  to  that  of  the 
Adriatic,  there  is  not  a  single  vessel  which  is  not  ia 
permanent  alliance  with  every  French  vessel;  and, 
though  strange,  yet  true,  the  combats  between  the 
continental  armies  of  different  powers,  will  not  break 
the  alliance  between  their  marine;  because  whatever 
might  pass  upon  land,  the  common  enemy  would 
nevertheless  be  found  upon  the  sea. 

The  superiority  of  the  English  marine  has  created 
this  indissoluble  union,  and  the  contrast  of  these,  two 
positions. 

I  have  represented  continental  Europe  marshalled 
in  general  opposition  to  Russia;  here,  in  the  same 
manner,  is  perceived  the  combination  of  all  the  ma- 
ritime states  against  the  prepotence  of  England. 
These  are  the  two  giants,  which  menace,  which 
chain,  and  have  the  power  to  crush,  all. 

It  is  requisite,  therefore,  to  act  towards  the  one,  as 
towards  the  other;  for  there  is  imminent  danger  from 
both.  It  is,  however,  much  the  greatest  on  the  part 
of  England;  for,  after  all,  Russia  may  be  reached;  a 
conquest  may  be  recovered  from  her;  she  can  take 
no  colony  from  any;  all  her  power  over  commerce  is 
but  negative,  and  singly  consists  in  imposts  or  in  pro- 
hibitions. But  where  to  seize  England,  or  how  touch 
the  conquests  she  has  once  placed  under  the  safeguard 
of  her  formidable  trident?  Does  she  not  dispose  of  the 
whole  colonial  order?  has  she  not  the  power  to  inter- 
rupt commercial  relations,  and  force  them  to  take  the 

s 


118 

direction  of  her  ports  and  of  her  factories?  England, 
it  is  true,  can  do  nothing  against  the  great  continental 
masses;  but  her  power  is  unHmited  against  that  which 
animates  and  invigorates  them. 

Immense  and  formidable  privilege,  that  of  this  ma- 
rine; which  confers  on  him  who  enjoys  it  the  force 
to  lock  in  his  arms  the  world  entire,  though  he  inhabit 
an  island;  from  thence  he  soars  over  the  universe;  as 
an  eagle,  from  the  height  of  his  inaccessible  aerie, 
stretches  his  menacing  flight  through  fields  of  air,  and 
pounces  on  his  prey!  But,  against  this  maritime  thral- 
dom of  Europe  and  of  the  world,  France  is  destined 
to  stand  the  foremost  in  resistance;  to  her  is  distinctly 
attached  the  first  link  of  the  union  which  is  to  liberate 
the  seas.  The  pretext  assigned  to  allure  France 
into  the  treaty  of  1756,  was  the  facility  it  would 
present  her  of  directing  all  her  resources  to  the  im- 
provement of  her  navy.  The  increase  of  the  maritime 
power  of  England  enforces  the  expediency  of  return- 
ing to  this  system;  and  urges  her  to  concentrate  in  it. 
The  order  of  the  continent,  which  condemns  her  to 
inaction,  forces  her  into  this  capital  opposition  against 
England. 

From  her  position  in  the  centre  of  maritime  Eu- 
rope, France  is  at  hand  to  co-operate  with  all  the 
fleets  of  the  continent.  From  Cadiz  to  Archangel, 
all,  by  the  force  of  things,  makes  part  of  this  confede- 
ration: all,  like  France,  have  no  longer  but  one  mari- 
time interest — Deliverance  from  the  chains  of  Eng- 
land. 

But  this  grand  confederation,  whatever  its  force, 
would  still  be  impotent,  if  besides,  it  were  not  sup- 
ported by  America:  so  strong  is  England  from  her 


119 

position,  the  number  of  her  ships,  her  nautical  dex- 
terity, the  muhitude  and  the  strength  of  the  insular 
points  she  occupies,  as  also  by  the  stations  she  has  had 
the  art  to  provide  for  herself  every  where.  But  in 
America  is  found  the  lever,  which,  acting  wath  the 
fleets  of  Europe,  is  to  burst  all  chains,  and  enfranchise 
every  sea. 

America  is  attracted  towards  the  sea  by  all  tlie 
circumstances  which  have  invited  England  herself 
to  maritime  pursuits.  The  extent  of  its  sea  coast  is 
immense;  its  seamen,  with  English  blood  in  their 
veins,  unite  all  the  qualities  which  render  so  formida- 
ble the  navigators  who  constitute  the  force  of  Eng- 
land. 

England  and  North  America  form  one  same  family, 
inhabiting  two  different  worlds;  whose  conflicting 
interests  place  tw'o  worlds  in  opposition,  provided 
W'ith  equal  means.  England  has  to  observe  a  wary 
policy  with  regard  to  America;  for  she  depends  more 
on  that  countiy  than  it  depends  on  her;  the  English 
commerce  has  more  need  of  the  commerce  of  Ame- 
rica, than  America  has  need  of  the  commerce  of 
England;  for  she  has  the  commerce  of  the  w^hole 
world  to  supply  its  place;  but  where  would  England 
find  another  America  ?  This  article  is  predominant 
in  the  counsels  of  England.  By  her  great  colony  of 
Canada,  by  Acadia,  by  Newfoundland,  England 
touches  America,  and  depends  on  her.  In  time  she 
will  become  unable  to  escape  the  influences  which 
will  necessarily  result  from  the  increase  of  the  Ame- 
rican population  and  commerce.  When  in  fifty  years, 
in  a  hundred  years,  the  United  States  shall  have  ac- 
quired a  population  of  forty,   of  fifty,  of  a  hundred 


120 

uiillions  of  inhabitants,  how  will  England  defend  her 
adjacent  possessions? 

The  alliance  of  France,  therefore,  with  America,  is 
in  her  interests  pre-eminently;  but  further,  what  she 
cannot  fail  to  do  with  North  America,  she  ought  to 
^extend  also  to  Spanish  America,  and  to  Brazil,  and 
always  for  the  same  reason  and  in  the  same  sense ;  the 
general  liberation  of  the  seas.  The  force  of  England 
consists  in  only  having  to  act  upon  points  in  her  vi- 
cinity, such  as  Cadiz,  Brest,  and  the  ports  of  France 
or  of  Spain.  In  this  case,  it  is  almost  from  her  own 
ports  that  she  blockades  those  of  others.  But  when 
she  shall  find  herself  constrained  to  scatter  her  squa- 
drons over  all  the  seas ;  to  watch  at  the  same  time  the 
shores  of  Europe,  and  of  America ;  this  power  so  for- 
midable by  the  proximity  and  concentration  of  its 
forces,  will  become  feeble  and  easily  broken,  like  a 
bundle  of  rods  unbound.  The  policy  of  Europe  is 
therefore  to  strengthen  America  as  her  natural  auxili- 
ary. Consequently  France,  as  the  head  of  the  Euro- 
pean maritime  confederation,  mistakes  her  true  inter- 
est as  often  as  she  retards  the  progress  of  independence 
at  any  point  whatever  in  America;  since  from  this 
point  is  to  issue  a  deliverer  for  her  and  for  Europe. 
This  is  what  renders  so  deplorable,  and  so  painful  to 
observe,  the  actual  direction  of  the  French  policy  iji 
regard  to  South  America;  it  was  not  thus  that  Henry 
IV.  acted  with  regard  to  Holland ;  nor  Richelieu  to- 
wards the  protestant  league  of  Germany.  In  his  time, 
there  wanted  not  men  who  took  offence  at  the  alliance 
of  the  most  christian  king,  advised  by  a  Cardinal, 
with  the  objects  of  Catholic  abhorrence,  and  of 
Roman   anathemas;    but  sound   policy    triumphed 


121 

over  secondary  considerations ;  it  ought  to  act  with, 
the  same  force  in  the  new  circumstances  in  which 
France  finds  herself  placed;  whereas  by  departing 
from  it,  she  gives  a  preference  to  the  misconceived 
interest  of  Spain  over  her  own ;  to  consanguinity,  over 
the  liberty  of  Europe :  to  legitimacy,  over  the  libera- 
tion of  the  world;  for  such  is  the  result  of  the  system 
which  France  pursues  with  a  double  detriment.  In 
effect,  with  the  power  to  render  America  free,  she 
tends  to  retard  her  emancipation ;  with  the  facility  to 
render  her  French,  she  leaves  her  to  become  English, 
by  all  the  means  that  England  finds  to  establish  her- 
self there ;  by  the  succours  and  the  merchandise  she 
carries  thither;  a  double  motive  for  attachment  to 
her  interests.  For  such  is  the  two-fold  error  of  the 
French  policy  in  this  important  subject:  it  gives  to 
England  both  the  time  and  the  means  to  establish 
herself  at  once  in  the  counsels  and  in  the  markets  of 
America ;  in  the  hearts  and  in  the  tastes  of  the  Ame- 
ricans; consequently  it  gives  to  America  the  time  to 
become  English ;  whereas,  on  the  contrary,  she  ought 
to  be  rendered  European.  Meanwhile,  it  is  very 
evident  that,  in  America  as  in  Europe,  whatever  com- 
municates with  the  sea,  which  is  almost  all  America, 
from  the  multitude  and  magnitude  of  its  rivers;  must 
seek  support  against  the  dominant  power  upon  sea; 
in  America,  as  in  Euurope,  it  cannot  fail  to  be  recog- 
nised, that  France  is  the  centre  of  these  partial  sup- 
ports ;  that  the  feeble  and  neutrals,  must  come  towards 
France  as  their  head  quarters :  that  the  prince  who  in 
Europe  is  the  ally  of  England,  by  passing;  to  Ameri- 
ca, becomes  her  opponent ;  that,  though  defended  by 
her  in  one  hemisphere,  he  may  be  restricted  and  at- 
tacked bv  her  in  another. 


122 

The  European  transplanted  in  America  is  no  long- 
er the  same  man  who  inhabited  Europe ;  on  quitting 
it,  he  has  left  upon  its  shores  the  thoughts  and  the 
affections  of  Europe ;  he  acquires  on  landing  in  Ame- 
rica the  eyes  and  the  heart  of  an  American.  It  may 
be  conjectured  that  the  king  of  Portugal,  at  Lisbon 
the  retainer  and  vassal  of  England,  in  Brazil,  will  be- 
come her  enemy.  It  cannot  be  learnt  too  soon,  that 
the  European  policy  has  been  immensely  enlarged 
by  the  introduction  of  iVmerica  upon  the  scene  of  the 
world.  She  comes  to  place  in  the  midst  of  the  ancient 
actors,  and  of  the  ancient  interests,  new  actors  and 
interests,  of  another  nature  and  of  another  importance ; 
whose  properties  should  be  well  studied,  to  prevent 
mistakes  in  the  estimation  which  is  to  be  made  of 
them.  No  where  more  than  in  France  is  it  of  impor- 
tance to  know  them  well;  for  her  futurity  is  there. 
The  part  of  this  futurity  which  depends  on  the  Eu- 
ropean continent  is  narrow  and  fixed :  but  that  which 
relates  to  America  is  to  be  created :  it  is  immense : 
its  elements  should  be  prepared  with  care,  disposed 
with  skill,  and  cherished  with  discernment. 

Whatever  shall  alienate  France  from  America: 
whatever  shall  cause  the  smallest  part  of  it  to  pass 
into  the  hands  of  England,  will  enfeeble,  therefore,  in 
an  equal  degree,  France  and  maritime  Europe.  By 
her  affection  for  Spain,  or  rather  by  her  complaisance, 
it  will  be  for  England  that  France  will  finally  have 
laboured,  without  other  intention  than  to  benefit 
Spain ;  for  she  will  not  prevent  the  latter  from  losing 
America,  and  she  wall  cause  England  to  have 
time  to  establish  herself  there.  Spain  will  not  have 
America,  less;  and  England  will  have  its  profits, 


123 

more ;  such  will  be  the  neat  product  of  all  this  policy. 
Each  day  that  France  delays  to  cause  Spain  to  take 
a  decisive  resolution  upon  this  great  question  of 
America,  turns  to  the  advantage  of  England;  and  gives 
lier  time  to  supplant  all  other  Europeans  in  the  com- 
merce of  that  country. 

The  Americans  will  not,  more  than  other  men, 
misunderstand  the  sentiments  that  shall  have  been 
discovered  towards  them ;  and  those  who  shall  have 
contributed  to  prolong  their  combats,  and  their  suffer- 
ings, must  not  expect  to  be  placed,  in  the  hearts  of 
the  inhabitants  of  America,  on  a  level  with  those  who 
shall  have  laboured  to  accelerate  the  enjoyment  of  a 
good  so  much  desired,  and  so  dearly  purchased. 
Such  are  the  dangers  attached  to  the  habit  of  per- 
mitting counsels  to  be  influenced  by  the  affections  of 
person  or  of  family ;  by  remembrances,  or  fears,  rela- 
tive to  things  W'hich  may  have  been  the  source  of 
personal  suffering.  In  tlie  affairs  of  nations  there  are 
no  men :  but  only  things.  States  are  always,  between 
each  other,  in  a  state  of  nature.  The  substantial  in- 
terests of  the  families  who  govern  them,  can  only  be 
found  in  the  most  scrupulous  cultivation  of  the  in- 
terests of  the  country  itself:  whatever  is  at  variance 
with  them;  whatever  wounds  them,  is  thereby  at 
variance  with  the  interest  of  the  prince,  and  wounds 
botli  it  and  him.  The  force  of  princes  can  be  no 
other  than  that  of  their  country ;  in  the  long  run,  they 
are  sustained  only  by  the  nation ;  in  process  of  time, 
strangers  cannot  but  become  either  useless  or  fatal 
to  its  interests. 

The  royal  houses  of  France  and  of  Spain  relied 
whh  confidence  upon  their  family  compact,  which 


124 

united,  in  the  same  fasces,  the  triple  sceptre  they  ex- 
tended over  these  countries,  and  over  America.  But 
I  would  learn  from  what  this  parade  of  power  and  of 
union  has  defended  them?     Wherein  has  it  served 
them?     In  1763  Spain  was  overpowered,  at  the  side 
of  France.     In  the  course  of  the  revolution  these  two 
thrones  crumbled  in  ruin;  that  of  Naples  followed 
them;  and,  singular  as  it  appears,  the  only  throne 
that  remained  to  these  four  royal  branches,  was  the 
gift  of  the  French  republic;  that  of  Etruria.     All 
this  policy  of  kindred  is,  therefore,  habitually  useless, 
and  in  many  circumstances  pernicious ;  it  will  become 
such  to  France,  irremediably,  if  persevered  in.     It  is 
certain  to  direct  her  from  the  line  upon  which  her 
clearest  interests  invite  her  to  move.     Place,  for  an 
instant,  the  English  politicians  at  Paris;  and  you  shall 
see  if  they  would  mistake  it.     "  Give  me  the  king 
only  for  twenty-four  hours,"  said  the  Cardinal  de 
Retz,  "  and  you  shall  see  what  I  would  make  of  him.'' 
In  like  manner  England  would  say,  give  me  Spain 
to  direct,  and  you  shall  see  upon  what  line  I  would 
place  her:   whether  I  would  cause  her  to  combat 
America,  for  no  other  object,  but  to  exhaust  herself, 
and  abandon  the  former  to  a  rival;  or  whether  I 
would  not  rather  guide  her  in  ways,  by  which  Ame- 
rica should  find  the  end  of  her  sufferings,  and  myself 
the  key  of  her  heart,  which  would  give  me  that  of  her 
treasures;  by  the  sentiment  of  the  service  I  should 
have  rendered  her.     It  is  in  this  latitude  of  ideas ;  in 
this  detachment  from  all  personal  affections,  which 
tend  to  restrict  and  to  bias  them ;  that  France  will 
find  the  only  basis  of  conduct  which  she  can  pursue 
with  utility  for  Europe  as  for  herself. 


125 

France  no  lonsfcr  has  colonies:  for  this  name  will 
jiot  be  given  to  the  factories  which  remain  to  her, 
whether  in  the  East  or  the  West  Indies.  In  losing 
St.  Domingo,  she  has  lost  whatever  in  her  posses- 
sions abroad  merited  the  name  of  colony.  This  loss 
has  changed  the  direction  of  her  military  marine. 
Her  petty  factories  would  not  indemnify  her  for  the 
expense  of  a  great  naval  establishment :  She  should 
be  aware  that  her  colonies  appertain  to  her  only  dur- 
ing the  good  pleasure  of  England :  let  England  un- 
furl her  sails,  and  they  are  hers  no  longer.  It  is  one 
bond  less  of  dependance  upon  England;  but  this 
enfranchisement  costs  dear,  for  St.  Domingo  was 
to  her  what  Peru  has  been  for  Spain.  At  least 
France  has  had  the  good  sense  never  to  think  of  re- 
conquering it.. 

France  has  no  longer  any  means  of  access  to  St. 
Domingo,  but  that  of  commerce  and  the  remem- 
brance of  friendship,  in  compensation  for  the  sove- 
reignty she  can  no  more  exercise.  The  revolution  of 
St.  Domingo  is  immense  in  itself,  and  as  it  respects 
France;  for,  by  disinheriting  her  of  her  richest  pos- 
session, it  has  created  for  her  the  need  of  an  indemni- 
fication; which  she  can  find  only  in  the  enfranchise- 
ment of  America.  This  treasure  of  St.  Domingo 
requires  a  whole  world,  and  the  most  opulent  part  of 
the  universe,  as  its  compensation. 

Fenelon  gave  the  duke  of  Burgundy  for  a  precept, 
to  avoid  all  contest  with  England.  In  this  counsel, 
the  painter  of  the  son  of  Ulysses,  seemed  to  partici- 
.pate  in  the  renowned  wisdom  of  the  father. 

In  eftect,  for  the  last  six  hundred  years,  England 
'has  chased  France,  step  by  step,  in  Eiirope,  in  Ame- 

i 


126 

rica,  in  Asia;  in  India  as  in  Canada.  England  has 
stripped  her  of  all;  has  taken  all.  She  has  never 
quitted  the  pursuit  of  her  rival,  but  at  the  time  of  her 
revolution;  which,  like  all  civil  convulsions,  absorbed 
her  entire  attention,  and  fixed  it  upon  her  interior.  All 
the  deep  wounds  of  France  have  come  from  England; 
Cressy,  Azincourt,  Poitiers,  La  Hogue,  Hochstet, 
Ramillies,  Aboukir,  Trafalgar,  Waterloo;  all  these 
cruel  names  were  imprinted  by  English  hands  upon 
the  ruins  of  French  greatness;  and  will  remain  en- 
graven there  in  characters  of  blood. 

It  has  always  been  England  who  has  animated  Eu- 
rope against  France;  who  has  designated  this  country 
as  the  object  of  her  umbrage,  of  her  blows,  and  of 
her  vengeance. 

Without  ascending  to  remote  times,  and  looking 
back  no  farther  than  those  of  king  William,  England 
has  never  ceased  to  alienate  Europe  from  France,  or 
to  excite  new  wars  aerainst  her. 

Whoever  had  a  mind  to  quarrel  with  France,  had 
only  to  present  himself;  her  treasures  were  at  his  dis 
posal;  England  was  the  bond  of  the  quadruple  alliance 
against  Lewis  XIV. ;  she  formed  the  coalition  in  the 
war  of  the  Spanish  succession;  she  allied  with  Maria 
Theresa  against  France;  with  Prussia,  also  against 
France;  in  the  whole  course  of  the  revolution,  has 
she  clone  other  thing  than  provoke  and  support  the  at 
tacks  of  Europe,  and  pay  all  coalitions;  when  all  others 
had  submitted,  she  haughtily  remained  upon  the  field 
of  battle;  and  her  voice,  mingling  seduction  witii 
terror,  invited  to  an  eternal  war;  of  which  she  gave 
the  signal  and  the  example. 

Portugal,  Italy,  Spain,  Egypt,  have  seen  her  dis- 


127 

play  the  same  ardour,  the  same  activity,  and  the  same 
profusion  of  the  means  of  combat  against  France. 
From  her  hand  has  issued  the  new  kingdom  of  the 
Netherlands,  of  which  she  is,  at  the  same  time,  the 
mother,  and  the  buckler;  and  of  which  she  has  made 
a  bridle  for  France. 

An  idea  cannot  be  formed  of  an  opposition  more 
persevering  or  more  methodical. 

Preserving  for  herself  the  liberty  of  moving  that 
she  takes  from  others;  marching  through  the  universe, 
while  she  holds  it  captive;  it  seems  that  liberty  is  her 
exclusive  inheritance,  and  that  she  has  reserved  it  as 
a  privilege,  to  the  participation  of  which  she  reluc- 
tantly admits  others. 

The  dangers  of  quarrels  with  England  are,  there- 
fore, sufficiently  sensible;  the  point  is  not  to  indulge 
irritation  against  her;  but  to  ascertain  the  due  line  of 
conduct  towards  her;  and,  with  this  view,  learn  to 
know  her  well.  Upon  the  continent  the  two  adver- 
saries can  neither  reach  nor  seize  each  other.  In  the 
colonies,  the  m.atch  is  of  an  inequality  which  pro- 
scribes even  the  idea  of  a  struggle.  In  every  war 
with  England,  France  will  commence  by  losing  what- 
ever she  has  left  of  colonies;  and,  as  she  has  nothing 
to  give  her  in  compensation,  she  must  seek  their  ran- 
som elsewhere.  In  all  war  with  England,  France 
sees  her  ports  blockaded,  and  interdicted  the  com- 
merce of  the  world;  her  revenues  exhausted  and  im- 
poverishment establish  itself  widiin  her  borders.  The 
chain  of  posts  that  England  has  stretched  around  the 
world,  embraces  France  also;  and  she  finds  herself 
caught  with  all  others  under  the  same  net;  strange 
State  of  things !  a  chain  more  strong,  and  of  greater 


128 

length,  than  any  of  those  it  was  ever  permitted  a  peo- 
ple to  extend  over  the  world !  a  power  which  effaces 
that  possessed  by  Tyre  and  Carthage;  and  which  re- 
presents universal  slavery  issuing  from  one  of  the 
smallest  countries  of  Europe,  and  scarcely  compos- 
ing a  part  of  it. 

These  griefs  of  Europe  will  increase  until  the  de- 
sirable epoch,  in  which  America  shall  be  able  to  ac- 
complish the  glorious  destiny  to  which  she  is  called; 
that  of  uniting  with  Europe  to  enfranchise  the  seas. 
Columbus,  in  discovering  it,  and  Penn,  when  he  peo- 
pled it,  litde  thought  of  the  products  of  the  germes 
which,  from  two  opposite  points  of  Europe,  they 
came  to  transplant  in  this  new  earth;  and  still  less, 
that  it  had  been  reserved  for  the  descendants  of  Eng- 
land, to  break  the  yoke  wliich  the  mother  country  has 
imposed  on  the  universe.  France  cannot,  single,  con- 
tend with  England;  no  more  than  Prussia  against 
Russia.  In  both  cases,  alliances  are  necessary  to 
compensate  personal  inferiority.  Consequendy,  France 
can  only  act  with  the  support  of  the  maritime  confe- 
deration of  Europe,  which  restricts  her  to  the  most 
rigorous  circumspection  in  the  choice  of  her  contests 
with  England;  to  present  none  which  may  cause  her 
to  lose  the  support  of  her  allies.  It  would  be  requi- 
site to  silence  the  counsels  of  self  love,  and  the  soli- 
citations of  family;  and  to  abandon,  in  the  outset, 
what  could  not  be  effectually  defended;  as  the  colo- 
nies. France  might  then  restrict  herself  to  two  other 
objects;  1.  To  observe  the  most  rigid  defensive  upon 
her  own  coasts ;  2.  To  cover  the  sea  with  swarms  of 
cruisers;  and  present  them  the  English  commerce  as 
their  prey;  as  the  vulnerable  side  of  England;  as  the 


129 

point  which  would  ofier  some  compensation  for  the 
superiority  of  her  squadrons. 

Thus,  in  the  war  of  the  Spanish  succession,  the 
French  privateers  supplied  the  deficiency  of  ships  of 
the  line,  and  caused  England  to  sustain  the  enormous 
loss  of  three  thousand  merchant  ships.  France,  re- 
duced to  her  own  resources,  would  have  nothing  bet- 
ter in  her  power;  but  France,  combined  with  the 
north  of  Europe  and  America,  would  act  a  part  of 
quite  another  importance,  and  might  recover  the  supe- 
riority she  has  lost  upon  the  continent;  which  leads 
me  to  say  next  what,  in  future,  is  the  system  of 
France  in  this  part. 


130 


vf  CHAPTER  m. 

PART  n. 

New  System  of  France  upon  the  Continent. 

According  to  the  principles  previously  ad- 
vanced, the  continental  policy  has  its  principal  seat 
in  Germany  and  in  the  North.  Its  principal  object 
should  be,  opposition  to  new  augmentations  on  the 
part  of  Russia. 

Germany  contains  two  principal  powers,  who  ba- 
lance each  other,  by  means  of  many  circumstances, 
Prussia  and  Austria. 

The  Germanic  body  is  sustained  by  itself,  and 
should  remain  independent  both  of  France  and  of 
Russia.  France,  placed  at  a  distance  from  Austria, 
can  have  no  occasions  of  direct  disputes  with  that 
power;  there  no  longer  exists  any  contentious  matter, 
between  the  two  states.  Prussia  has  approached 
France;  but,  in  this  approach,  nothing  is  placed  with- 
in the  reach  of  France.  All  Europe  would  interdict 
France  from  touching  the  kingdom  of  the  Nether- 
lands; the  latter,  whether  single,  or  leagued  with 
Russia,  presents  no  danger  for  France.  The  bolts  to 
avenge  the  temerity  of  an  attack  from  this  quarter  are 
forged  in  the  arsenals  of  Lille,  of  Douay,  and  of 
twenty  fortresses  which,  on  this  side,  cover  the  French 
frontiers. 


131 

France  has  nothing  to  demand  of  Italy,  neither  has 
she  aught  to  fear  from  it. 

In  this  position,  a  system  of  neutrahty  and  of  mo- 
deration towards  all,  is  the  only  policy  that  becomes 
her.  She  is  alike  too  strong  and  too  weak  to  interfere 
Avithout  damage  in  the  affairs  of  the  continent;  it  is 
ver)'  evident  that  she  would  have  to  support  the 
charges  of  it,  without  reaping  any  of  its  profits;  for, 
at  the  conclusion  of  every  action,  she  would  be  re- 
duced to  the  situation  in  which  she  was  found  at  its 
commencement.  Europe  has  declared  her  will  that 
France  should  be  great,  strong,  and  happy.  She  is 
a  principal  member  of  the  political  body  of  Europe. 
These,  her  acknowledged  attributes,  will  not  be  con- 
tested her;  but  she  will  only  be  permitted  to  make  a 
defensive  use  of  them;  for  herself,  and  for  Europe,  in 
case  of  danger  on  the  part  of  the  two  colossal  powers 
that  envelop  it. 

France  will  always  be  considered  as  the  reserve  of 
Europe  against  the  one,  and  as  her  file -leader  against 
the  other.  In  the  case  of  any  movement,  which 
should  have  only  a  personal  aim,  France  would  find 
all  the  forces  of  Europe  marshalled  against  her.  The 
system  of  Europe,  in  regard  to  France,  is  established. 
Lewis  XIV.  and  Napoleon  have  been  the  authors  of 
it.  By  causing  her  to  be  feared  to  excess,  they  have 
finally  caused  her  exclusion.  They  have  imposed 
the  necessity  of  raising  around  France  walls  of  sepa- 
ration; of  pressing  upon  her;  and  of  fixing  plans  wtth 
regard  to  her.  The  latter  may  be  considered  as  de- 
creed ;  and  of  all  the  parts  of  the  policy  and  of  the 
ideas  of  Europe,  this  assuredly  is  that  upon  which 
there  prevails  the  most  imiformity  in  lier  opinions. 


132 

and  in  her  wishes.  Thus  will  have  perished,  no 
more  to  revive,  the  great  French  influences  exercised 
by  Lewis  XIV.  and  by  Napoleon.  The  second  ex- 
perience which  far  exceeded  the  first,  has  excited 
still  greater  umbrage,  and  inspired  more  jealousies : 
it  has  created,  and  will  cause  to  be  maintained,  pre- 
cautions still  more  severe  than  the  first  would  have 
done. 

Twenty-five  years  after  Lewis  XIV.  France  had 
already  excited  Germany  to  attack  Austria;  had  shared 
out  her  inheritance,  and  disposed  of  the  imperial 
crown ;  but  Germany  will  now  continue  eiosed  against 
her;  and  will  reject  all  French  influence.  It  is  evi- 
dently with  defensive  and  prohibitive  views  that  she 
forms  her  army  of  confederation,  and  is  constructing 
fortresses.  France  is  therefore  excluded  from  any 
direct  and  active  participation  in  the  great  continental 
policy :  she  would  be  admitted  to  act  as  a  subsidiary 
only,  and  not  for  her  own  account :  and  at  the  conclu- 
sion, assuredly,  all  would  again  unite  to  confine  her 
at  home. 

From  this  there  results  an  afilicting  change  in  the 
affairs  of  France,  and  in  the  rank  she  has  occupied  in 
Europe;  it  must  be  acknowledged  with  grief;  but 
this  depreciation  is  the  necessary  result  of  the  actual 
state  of  Europe :  security  is  guaranteed  to  France  as 
the  price  of  her  insulation :  she  would  provoke  exac- 
tions the  moment  she  should  discover  a  symptom  of 
personal  ambition,  or  desire  to  recover  a  direct  influ- 
ence. She  may  rest  assured  that  fear  and  the  re- 
membrance of  the  past  will  cause  her  to  be  watched 
narrowly,  and  for  a  long  time. 

In  this  state  three  things  demand  the  attention  of 
France. 


1.  To  preserve  her  independence  by  avoiding  all 
alliance. 

2.  To  strengthen  her  military  circumvallation,  and 
create  a  defensive  to  sustain  her  interior. 

3.  To  form  a  school  of  diplomacy. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  alliance  of  France 
will  be  courted :  each  state  endeavours  to  form  itself 
a  system ;  and  consequently  seeks  supports.  Diplo- 
macy thus  returns  to  its  ancient  routine;  which  always 
led  to  this  species  of  connexion :  it  was  one  of  its  prin- 
cipal studies.  Already  we  begin  to  hear  of  the  Rus- 
sian or  Austrian  alliance ;  of  a  system  with  this  one^ 
or  with  that  one ;  in  all  which  nothing  is  perceived 
that  is  not  contrary  to  the  real  nature  of  things,  which 
ought  always  to  be  consulted.  France  has  now  but 
one  alliance  to  form ;  that  with  this  nature  of  things, 
which  will  suffice  for  all,  and  will  never  fail  to  do  what- 
ever should  be  done.  Too  often  things  are  marred 
and  perish,  because  men  desire  to  put  themselves  in 
their  place.  To  ally  with  a  power  is  to  become  bound 
to  its  interests,  and  to  its  inconveniences ;  of  the  latter, 
one  is  always  sure  to  have  a  good  share ;  as  for  its 
advantages,  this  is  anotlier  affaii';  herein  the  partici- 
pation is  restricted,  and  regulated  by  the  most  rigid 
personal  interest.  The  liquidation  of  the  accounts  of 
alliances,  generally,  presents  nothing  but  miscalcula- 
tions of  this  sort. 

There  is  but  one  mode  of  securing  our  full  value, 
which  is  to  preserve  our  entire  independence;  now,  to 
make  alliance  is  to  alienate  it.  When  a  power  is  great 
and  strong,  as  France  really  is,  we  have  no  need  of 
others;  while  others  frequently  have  need  of  us.  We 
should  therefore  remain  free;  that  is,  singrle  and  our- 


134 

selves.  If  there  be  occasion  to  interpose,  it  should 
be  done,  not  by  virtue  of  pre-existing  treaties,  but 
from  a  visible  and  evident  necessity.  If  the  nature 
of  things  requires  that  a  state  should  be  succoured, 
the  nature  of  things  will  bring  this  succour;  without 
its  resulting  from  anterior  stipulations,  but  simply 
from  the  force  of  things.  Then  it  would  be  the  ge- 
neral order  which  would  regulate  the  auxiliary  move- 
ments of  France  with  respect  to  others ;  as,  in  return, 
it  would  lend  her  its  support. 

The  European  association,  in  this  case,  would 
have  to  regard  its  own  safety,  and  the  maintenance  of 
its  equilibrium-;  its  succours  would  be  regulated  ac- 
cordincj  to  the  dea:ree  of  interest  it  mig-ht  attach  to 
this  maintenance;  it  would  not  act  therefore  for 
France,  but  for  itself;  as  France,  on  her  part,  would 
propose  to  herself  the  same  object  in  lending  it  her 
support. 

Thus,  on  the  supposition  that  Austria  should  seek 
the  French  alliance,  as  a  reinforcement  under  the 
burden  which  Russia  is  destined  to  impose  on  her; 
there  would  not  be  the  least  occasion  to  negotiate,  in 
order  to  be  assured  of  the  succours  of  France;  the 
treaty  is  found  ready  made,  and  as  it  were  written  in 
the  nature  of  things;  which  will  cause  France  to  bt 
always  prepared  to  resist  the  breach  of  the  northern 
barrier.  France  would  do  the  same  for  Prussia,  as 
for  Austria,  in  her  quality  of  barrier  against  Russia;  for 
of  what  importance  is  it  to  the  final  result,  whether 
the  dike  be  broken  in  one  point  or  in  another?  Rus- 
sia would  be  seen  to  conduct  in  the  same  manner 
with  regard  to  France,  if  she  \\erc  oppressed  by  a 
.coalition  of  her  enemies.     All  these  ideas  are  simple. 


135 

and  flow  from  an  order  of  things  so  visible  as  to  ren- 
der mistake  impossible.  All  the  pomp  and  parade 
of  diplomatists  is  therefore  reduced  to  a  mere  trifle ; 
since  they  can  do  no  more  than  simply  to  announce 
ideas  derived  from  the  very  nature  of  tilings. 

It  is  with  diplomacy,  at  the  present  day,  as  with 
medicine.  Professors  in  the  latter,  have  closed  their 
learned  dispensatories,  and  apply  themselves  to  ob- 
serve nature,  to  assist  her,  and  follow  her  steps: 
diplomacy  should  adopt  a  similar  procedure;  and, 
shutting  her  folios,  with  her  gloomy  laboratories, 
dashing  in  pieces  her  old  crucibles,  the  monuments 
of  toils  equally  irksome  as,  in  our  age,  superfluous; 
she  should  concentrate  in  the  single  study  of  the  na- 
ture of  things.  Thus  she  would  find  as  it  were  on 
the  surface  of  the  earth,  what  she  had  been  toiling 
to  draw  from  its  enti-ails.  Such  should  be  the 
future  policy  of  France.  The  nature  of  things  has 
simplified  her  system ;  it  consists  in  continuing  free ; 
independent;  in  defending  herself  from  all  detriment 
that  may  threaten  from  abroad ;  and  in  resisting  the 
derangement  of  the  order  generally  established. 

Lew  is  XIV".  covered  Irance  with  ramparts  in  all 
the  part  nearest  the  ordinary  seat  of  war ;  the  frontier 
of  the  north  and  of  the  Rhine. 

This  system  defended  France  on  the  side  most  ex- 
posed to  the  dangers  of  the  time;  executed  by  Vau- 
ban,  it  answered  the  exigencies  of  that  epoch.  At 
the  same  time  it  left  France  open  in  all  the  part  which 
borders  the  ecclesiastical  electorates;  the  country  of 
Liege  and  Switzerland.  In  1814  and  1815,  we  have 
seen  strangers  penetrate  with  the  greatest  facility,  by 
these  two  apertures.     In  1793,  after  the  surrender  of 


136 

Valenciennes,  the  Austrian  army  marched  through 
Cambray,  and  was  only  diverted  from  the  route  of 
Paris  by  the  expedition  of  Dunkirk.  In  1792,  the 
duke  of  Brunswick  advanced  by  the  upper  Meuse, 
without  obstacles  worthy  of  mention,  to  within  forty- 
five  leagues  of  Paris.  This  Avas  the  weak  side  of 
France.  The  system  of  Lewis  XIV.  sufficed  when 
France  had  great  influence  in  Germany;  when  Bel- 
gium appertained  to  Austria;  when  a  great  number 
of  petty  princes  occupied  the  space  between  the 
Meuse  and  Rhine ;  but  since  Prussia  has  taken  their 
place,  and  is  found  at  the  gates  of  Metz ;  since  a  com- 
pact state,  such  as  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands, 
has  replaced  a  feeble  division  of  the  Austrian  monar- 
chy, and  the  country  of  Liege;  the  inadequate  defence 
of  this  part  presents  serious  inconveniences,  at  this 
day,  which  were  not  then  perceptible;  and  renders  it 
indispensable  to  add  to  the  fortifications  which  alrea- 
dy exist. 

The  capital  of  France  is  too  near  the  frontier :  She 
has  approached  it,  as  it  were,  by  all  the  new  force  of 
the  neighbours  she  has  acquired.  It  is  of  little  con- 
sequence whether  principalities  of  the  lowest  order 
be  far  or  near :  but  it  is  not  the  same  with  respect  to 
the  neighbourhood  of  great  military  powers.  Be- 
sides, here  should  be  kept  in  mind  the  system  adopt- 
ed by  armies,  when  superior  in  numbers,  or  when 
victorious,  of  marching  straight  to  the  capital ;  mask- 
ing the  strong  places  left  in  the  rear.  The  French 
have  taught  this  lesson  in  the  great  wars  of  the  revo- 
lution; it  has  finally  been  employed  against  them.  A 
decisive  success  may  conduct  the  enemy  to  the  gates 
of  Paris;  in  this  case,  the  eiforte  of  defence  and  of 


137 

precaution,  should  be  commensurate  with  the  impor- 
tance of  such  a  result. 

Madrid,  Vienna,  Berlin,  are  one  thing ;  Paris  and 
London,  are  quite  another.  The  affairs  of  two  mo- 
narchies are  transacted  in  the  two  capitals,  with  those 
of  a  part  of  Europe,  and  of  the  world.  The  fate  of 
such  centres  of  affairs  decides  that  of  the  empire  it- 
self; invasion  deranges  the  immense  machines  of  the 
government  which  rules  them ;  and  the  attraction  of 
these  rich  spoils  cannot  fail  to  inflame  the  ardour  of  the 
enemy.  Every  thing,  therefore,  commands  France  to 
complete  her  defensive  system  in  the  part  of  her  fron- 
tiers it  has  not  yet  reached;  and  to  invest  it  with  all 
the  means  of  defence  which  art  can  employ,  and  which 
France  more  than  any  country  can  perfect. 

In  consequence  of  the  former  system,  the  line  of 
the  Somme  has  been  abandoned.  It  should  be  re- 
established; the  avenues  should  also  be  closed  which 
are  open  from  Luxemburgh  to  Paris;  and  from  Basle 
and  Geneva  to  Lyons;  which  cause  these  two  capi- 
tals of  France  to  be  altogether  exposed.  It  may  be 
recollected  that  in  the  war  of  the  Spanish  succession, 
the  enemy's  partizans  were  seen  to  post  themselves 
upon  the  bridge  of  Sevres,  to  carry  oft"  the  dauphin, 
at  the  moment  in  which  general  Mercy  penetrated  by 
the  upper  Rhine !  But  this  is  not  all:  to  place  France 
in  a  state  of  complete  defence,  her  interior  must  con- 
tain fortified  points  and  arsenals.  In  this  respect,  the 
defensive  system  of  France  continues  to  offer  a  sin- 
gular distribution  of  its  means.  From  Arras  to  Per- 
pignan  and  Bayonne;  that  is,  in  all  the  length,  as  well 
as  breadth  of  this  country,  there  does  not  exist  a  sin- 
gle fortified  point.     An  army  repulsed  from  the  fron- 


138 

tier  could  retreat  to  no  place  of  strength,  for  support 
or  security.  In  all  this  space  there  are  but  one  or 
two  secondary  arsenals. 

The  rivers,  in  France  are  not  very  extensive ;  a  part 
of  the  year  they  are  no  better  than  channels  of  sand ; 
— The  Loire  itself,  which  is  represented  as  marked 
by  nature  for  the  line  of  defence,  during  half  the  year 
would  defend  nothing;  for  want  of  water.  The 
country  it  should  protect,  that  on  its  left,  and  which 
comprehends  Sologne,  Berry,  Poitou  and  the  Limou- 
sin, is  the  most  sterile  part  of  France.  An  army 
would  be  unable  to  subsist  there;  and  to  all  who 
were  acquainted  with  this  country,  the  resolution 
taken  by  the  army  of  the  Loire  to  defend  its  banks, 
must  have  appeared  to  be  rather  an  impulse  of  mili- 
tary enthusiasm — than  a  deliberate  calculation :  for  it 
was  very  evident  that,  facing  an  enemy  superior  in 
number,  without  other  defence  than  a  sandy  beach, 
at  a  great  distance  from  arsenals,  this  army  could  not 
have  defended  the  position  an  instant.  This  want  of 
arsenals  in  the  interior  of  France,  would  render  it  im- 
possible to  sustain  a  war  there;  especially,  with  the 
present  disposition  of  the  roads;  which  are  all  in 
right  lines  from  the  capital,  and  wholly  wanting  in  a 
transverse  direction.  With  the  immoderate  use  of  ar- 
tillery, as  it  is  employed  in  modern  warfare,  an  army 
which  should  have  to  combat  in  the  interior  would 
be  forced  to  draa:  this  heavv  and  embarrassins:  train 
from  distances  which  would  paralize  all  its  move- 
ments. 

This  object  is  all-important  for  the  defence  of 
France;  it  cannot  escape  the  penetration  of  its  govern- 
ment.   All  is  changed  around  France.   The  bases  of 


139 

her  security  are  displaced;  she  can  no  longer  repose 
upon  her  ancient  supports ;  nor  slumber  upon  her  an- 
cient points  of  repose;  for  in  these  are  found  the  ac- 
tual danj^ers. 

This  change  in  the  environs  of  France  has  given 
a  new  face  to  her  frontiers;  and  urges  her  to  calculate 
her  defence  upon  the  new  probabilities  of  attack  she 
may  apprehend. 

From  the  time  of  Francis  I.  French  diplomacy  has 
displayed  gi'eat  ability;  under  Louis  XV.  it  expe- 
rienced an  eclipse  in  its  ostensible  part,  the  ministry; 
but  maintained  itself  with  a  distinction,  necessarily 
veiled,  in  that  part  which  was  concealed;  this  part 
was  directed  by  the  Count  de  Broglie  and  Favier. 
Diplomacy  consists  of  two  things,  the  system  itself; 
and  the  ager:is  \a  ho  carry  it  into  effect. 

Natural  ability  will  never  be  wanting  in  France; 
but  ability,  the  result  of  study  and  of  a  good  school, 
is  not  frequently  seen  there.  The  French  have  such 
an  aptitude  to  know  all,  to  understand  all,  and  to  ex- 
press all,  that  they  supply  by  this  faculty  what  others 
only  acquire  by  a  long  course  of  study !  They  may 
rather  be  said  to  create,  and  to  divine,  than  to  learn. 

Unfortunately  France  has  wanted  stability  in  her 
system,  and  thus  has  annulled  the  superiority  of  ta- 
lent for  which  her  negotiators  have  been  distinguish- 
ed. This  system  was  like  the  government,  which 
had  its  modes  and  caprices.  Each  new  minister  gave 
it  a  new  modelling,  and  the  direction  that  best  suited 
his  interests. 

A  corrupt  cardinal,  Dubois,  at  the  sam.e  time  prime 
minister  of  France,  and  pensioner  of  England,  aban» 
dons  the  svstem  to  her:  another  cardinal,  attacked  bv 


140 

the  timidities  of  old  age,  also  marches  in  the  train  of 
England;  a  third  cardinal,  in  1756,  abandons  himself 
to  Austria;  and,  to  establish  the  empire  of  a  woman 
over  insulted  France,  overthrows  in  a  day  the  work 
of  Richelieu,  so  laboriously  maintained  by  Louis 
XIV.  Louis  XV.  passed  the  last  twenty  years  of 
his  reign  floating  at  the  pleasure  of  the  winds;  which 
pushed  him  sometimes  in  one  direction  and  sometimes 
in  another.  He  left  embarrassments  to  his  successor, 
which  condemned  him  to  a  versatility  not  in  his  cha- 
racter. 

The  convention  embraced  the  system  of  conquest: 
Napoleon  had  a  mind  to  new  model  the  world;  what 
this  has  led  to,  and  what  it  has  cost,  is  known  but  too 
well.  Example  speaks,  occasion  invites,  time  per- 
mits to  resume  the  work,  and  to  lay  solid  foundations. 

Diplomacy  is  no  more  an  occult  science  than  the 
construction  of  new  roads;  in  every  country  it  ad- 
mits of  principles,  of  rules  and  bases;  it  operates  upon 
a  subject  that  is  certain,  that  contains  nothing  ficti- 
tious. Accordingly,  these  bases  are  to  be  determined, 
and  established;  upon  which  may  then  be  raised  an 
indestructible  edifice. 

The  choice  of  agents  demands  equal  care.  In  a 
diplomatic  agent  are  two  men;  one,  acting  according 
to  the  instructions  of  his  constituents;  another,  com- 
municating to  them  the  documents  upon  which  they 
must,  themselves,  be  regulated;  if,  in  the  first  case, 
he  is  subordinate  and  almost  passive,  in  the  second 
he  is  active,  and,  as  it  were,  superior.  In  the  first, 
he  has  a  mandate  to  fulfil;  in  the  second,  a  watchlight 
to  present.  His  character,  as  is  perceived,  is  double; 
at  the  nomination  of  a  diplomatic  agent,  a  commerce 


141 

of  intelligefnce  is  established  between  the  representa- 
tive and  the  constituent;  a  commerce  which,  as  it 
respects  an  able  direction  of  affairs,  places  them  on  a 
line  of  equality. 

It  is  manifest  how  important  to  governments  are 
ftose  who  are  to  serve  them,  instead  of  eyes  and  of 
iars,  and,  often,  of  interpreters  also.  A  too  general 
practice,  excepting  in  England,  has  shared  the  diplo- 
matic parts  bet\veen  two  performers,  as  upon  the 
Iheatres  of  the  ancients;  where  some  made  the  ges- 
lures,  while  others  pronounced  the  words. 

The  diplomatic  representation  is  generally  con- 
erred  on  members  of  the  high  classes  of  society, 
upported  by  men  experienced  in  affairs;  who  gain  by 
hem  reputation  and  fortune.  The  titulary  ministers 
ire,  as  it  were,  the  decorations  of  a  diplomatic  mis- 
lion,  while  the  subordinates  are  its  essential.  This 
)rder  is  vicious,  alike  with  whatever  places  incapa- 
:ity  in  the  first  rank,  and  merit  in  the  second;  it  also 
ffevails  exclusively  in  absolute  monarchies;  in  Eng- 
and  it  does  not  occur,  whose  representative  govern  - 
nent  admits  not  fictions  with  the  same  facility :  and 
commands  the  employment  of  men,  not  according  to 
heir  external  and  conventional  qualities,  but  their  in- 
rinsic  and  absolute  worth.  Man  is  weighed  like 
;old;  and  those  who  are  found  to  lack  weight,  are 
ejected  as  base  coin. 

France,  after  so  many  toils,  having  at  length  ac- 
[uired  a  representative  government,  feels  the  need  of 
cting  upon  these  principles,  and  of  no  longer  con- 
ding  the  direction  of  her  affairs  abroad,  to  men, 
vliose  most  apparent  title,  and  ground  of  vocation,  to 

X 


142 

high   pubhc   emplo}tnents,  are  discovered  in  thei 
names;  or  in  their  talents  to  amuse. 

There  ate  countries  in  which  men  are  so  fortunat 
as  to  be  bom  ambassadors,  as  well  as  colonels,  ani 
presidents  of  parliament;  in  these  countries  too,  the 
acquit  themselves  in  one,  at  least  as  well  as  in  anothe 
of  these  functions.  It  is  time,  at  length,  to  quit  thes 
prepossessions  for  qualities  which  depend  on  th 
chance  of  birth;  it  is  far  safer  to  cherish  those  die 
tated  by  labour,  by  merit,  by  profound  ^knowledge  c 
nations,  and  their  interests;  titles  which  never  deceive 
France  is  better  prepared  than  any  other  country  c 
Europe,  to  e:>ihibit  agents  of  diplomacy  skilled  in  th 
direction  of  affairs,  and  of  men.  For  in  no  other  gc 
vernment  do  the  second  ranks  of  administration  pos 
sess  men  equal  to  those,  who  in  France  have  occupiec 
this  part  of  the  government.  The  principal  secretarie 
in  the  different  departments,  as  well  as  the  secretarie 
of  embassies,  were  generally  distinguished  men;  man 
have  acquired  names  no  less  illustrious  than  the  mi 
nisters  themselves;  and  a  judgment  can  be  formed  c 
what  they  would  have  done,  from  what  those  hav 
done,  whom  the  revolution  permitted  to  give  h\. 
scope  to  their  talents. 

France  proper  has  no  schools  of  public  law;  w 
must  go  to  Strasburgh  for  them;  as  it  appears,  it  is  ; 
German  institution,  of  which  France  has  made  a  sor 
of  conquest  from  Germany,  with  the  city  in  which  i 
is  established;  on  the  contrary,  these  schools  havi 
become  very  numerous  in  Germany.  The  want  o 
them  with  us  is  seriously  felt.  A  man,  who  wishe 
to  gain  instruction,  in  this  part,  is  destitute  of  th( 
proper  means;  he  is  reduced  to  resources  such  as  h< 


?r  *  143 

can  procure  for  himself.  Schools  of  civil  law  abound; 
(he  Roman  law  is  taught  every  where;  but  no  where 
is  taught  the  public  law  which  governs  the  different 
countries  of  Europe  in  their  reciprocal  relations;  in 
iio  place  are  lessons  given  suitable  to  form  diplomatic 
agents;  there  are  many  books  upon  these  matters; 
because  they  are  found  abundantly  upon  all;  but 
schools  are  absolutely  wanting;  and  men  learn  while 
acting,  instead  of  acting,  as  good  order  dictates,  after 
Having  learnt. 


It  I 


U4  I 

CHAPTER  IV, 

Division  of  the  South  of  Europe, 

This  division  includes  all  the  countries  situate* 
beyond  the  Alps  and  the  Pyrenees;  Italy,  Spain,  anc 
Portugal. 

The  two  first  general  characters  observable  in  this 
division  are, 

1.  Its  geographical  eccentricity  to  the  political  <x 
der  of  the  continent. 

2.  The  inutility  of  these  three  countries,  as  it  res 
pects  this  order. 

The  European  policy  is  formed,  and  will  in  future 
be  formed,  in  the  north,  and  among  the  Germanic  na 
tions :  neither  Spain  nor  Portugal  can  reach  it  in  an) 
manner. 

Italy  could  take  no  part  in  it,  but  by  overleaping 
the  barrier  of  the  Alps. — To  accomplish  this  woulc 
require  her  to  be  independent,  and  incorporated  intc 
one  free  nation.  But  while  she  is  cut  up  into  manj 
sovereignties;  while  she  appertains  for  the  greatei 
part,  to  a  German  power,  she  has  no  means  of  taking 
a  direct  part,  and  for  her  own  account,  in  the  genera 
policy.  The  Austrian  part  of  Italy  holds  the  same 
relation  to  this  order,  which  is  held  by  Bohemia  and 
the  other  members  of  the  Austi-ian  monarchy  •  a  mo- 
narchy formed  of  the  wrecks  of  several  states,  anc 
members  torn  from  four  different  nations ;  the  Ger- 
mans, the  Hungarians,  the  Poles,  and  the  Italians. 


145 

Austi'ia  is  the  monarchy  of  the  four  nations.  The 
Austrian  power  follows  not  the  ordinary  rule  of  forma- 
tion for  other  states.  In  general  the  latter  are  formed 
either  of  a  single  nation,  or  of  a  principal  nation,  in- 
creased by  accessories  inferior  to  itself;  whereas  in 
Austria,  the  parts  of  the  state  are  almost  equal,  though 
foreign  to  each  other;  which  occasions  it  to  resemble 
a  confederation  of  states  subject  to  the  same  chief. 

The  most  considerable  state  of  Italy,  Naples,  is 

precisely  that  which  is  found  the  most  remote  from 

Europe;  as  if  all  had  conspired  to  annul  this  country. 

The  German  nations   and  all  the  North  were  no- 

thmg,  when  Rom.e  and  Italy  were  all :    Rome  and 

Italy  have  dwindled  to  nothing,  since  Germany  and 

the   North    have    become    all.      New  actors  have 

invaded  tlie  scene  of  the  world,  and  have  remained 

its  masters. — Sad  but  inevitable  result  of  the  passage 

of  the  emperors  to  Constantinople,  and  the  desertion 

in  which  it  left  Italy.     Abandoned  to  herself,  she 

was  unable  to  hold  together.     Becoming  the  final 

stage  of  the  incursions  of  the  northern  barbarians, 

this  country  fell  in  pieces,  like  a  brittle  glass,  in  their 

ferocious  hands.     Each  seized  some  of  its  fragments-, 

and  was  exclusively  employed  in  maintaining  what 

had  fallen  to  his  share;  without  even  thinking  of  the 

country  as  a  whole,  no  more  than  of  its  harmony  with 

the  general  order;  of  which,  besides,  in  these  remote 

times  no  idea  had  been  formed.     The  policy  of  the 

popes  followed  to  increase  the  evil,  and  to  render  it 

irremediable.     Feeble  and  unarmed,  as  they  were, 

the  near  vicinitv  of  the  stronp-  and  the  armed,  little 

suited  their  convenience.     They  would  fain  have  ex- 

|)elled  the  French  and  German  barbarians  from  Italy: 


146 

as  was  said  by  Julius  II. :  the  popes  would  have  been 
wholly  Italians  if  Italy  had  appertained  wholly  to 
them;  but  wanting  the  power  to  possess  it  exclusively, 
they  always  inclined  to  see  it  shared  between  many ; 
because  the  partition  would  prevent  there  being  any 
stronger  than  them;  the  more  the  sovereignty  was 
subdivided,  the  more  their  security  and  relative  power 
were  increased.  This  uniform  basis  of  the  papal  poll- 
i  cy  should  be  fully  discerned ;  it  has  had  a  decisive 
influence  upon  the  destiny  of  Italy ;.  and  was  dictated 
by  the  nature  of  this  singular  power.  Invaded,  ra- 
vaged, and  possessed  alternately,  during  six  hundred 
years,  by  the  Spaniards,  the  French,  the  Germans, 
Italy  has  closed  her  career  of  vicissitudes  in  becoming 
Austrian :  for  such  in  fact  she  is,  as  to  the  largest  and 
richest  half;  and  besides,  she  is  Austrian,  by  the  in- 
fluence which  the  possession  of  this  half  confers  upon 
Austria.  Austria  governs  in  Italy  as  in  one  of  her 
own  provinces;  and  her  preponderance  excludes  from 
it  all  manner  of  balance. 

France  only  would  be  able  to  counterbalance  it, 
but  she  is  not  in  contact  with  Italy  at  any  point;  whilst 
the  whole  body  of  the  Austrian  monarchy  presses  di- 
rectly upon  it.  France  would  have  to  wait  for  its 
gates  to  be  opened  for  her;  Austria  holds  all  the  keys 
of  Italy,  and  covers  the  greatest  part  of  it  herself. 
France  would  have  to  operate  with,  and  amongst 
distrustful  foreigners,  more  impressed  by  the  disgusts 
a  great  benefit  may  leave  after  it,  than  by  the  gratitude 
it  ought  to  inspire:  Austria  would  be  at  home  in  every 
part  of  Italy :  France  possesses  in  that  country  not  a 
single  point  of  support. — From  Alexandria  to  Palma 
Nuova,  Austria  is  supported  by  a  chain  of  fortresses 


147 

and  of  arsenals,  which  present  her  all  the  means  of 
attack  and  of  defence,  and  are  strengthened  by  the 
lines  of  the  rivers  which  border  them. 

The  Austrian  possession  of  upper  Italy  has  very 
solid  bases.  The  sea,  the  Alps,  the  Po,  the  Ticino, 
the  Adda,  the  Mincio,  the  lake  of  Guarda,  the  Adige, 
the  Tagliamento,  the  Yzonzo,  Alexandria,  Pavia, 
Piggizgithone,  Mantua,  Peschiera,  Verona,  Venice, 
and  behind  these  lines  of  fortresses,  and  of  rivers,  the 
whole  body  of  the  Austrian  monarchy,  prepared  to 
sustain  them,  and  pour  upon  Italy  new  swarms  of  de- 
fenders. What  has  not  Austria  gained  by  tlie  ex- 
change of  her  distant  and  precarious  possession  of 
Belgium,  for  a  property  so  well  secured  by  its  conti- 
guity! Italy  can  only  be  considered  therefore  as  an 
Austrian  province;  and  it  is  only  in  respect  to  the 
force  which  it  adds  to  Austria,  that  it  continues  to 
connect  with  the  political  order. 

Piedmont  is  an  atom,  in  comparison  with  Austria. 
The  gaoler  of  the  x\lps  may  indeed  place  himself  iil 
a  sort  of  opposition  to  France  by  favour  of  this  barV 
rier;  his  force  is  derived  from  this  position,  which 
derives  but  little  from  him:  And  even  had  he  to 
defend  it  singly  against  France,  the  inequality  of  the 
two  states  would  soon  have  eifaced,  and  as  it  were 
levelled,  the  inequality  of  the  soil  which  separates 
them.  But,  it  is  not  the  same  with  Piedmont  in  re- 
gard to  Austria;  on  this  side  all  is  open;  here  Pied- 
mont is  feeble,  and  Austria  impregnably  strong:  the 
latter  seized  one  of  those  decisive  moments  on  which 
depends  the  fate  of  empires,  that  in  which  her  aid 
was  indispensable,  to  supply  herself  with  all  the  ob- 
jects which  she  found  to  her  liking  in  Italy ;  accord- 


148 

ihgly  she  paused  at  the  confines  of  Piedmont,  where 
it  must  either  have  been  annulled,  or  left  as  it  is  seen. 
But  she  has  reserved  for  herself,  a  superior  power,  all 
the  commanding  positions,  which  should  have  been 
assigned  to  Piedment,  as  the  inferior  power.  For  the 
latter,  they  would  only  have  been  defensive ;  held  by 
Austria,  they  are  truly  offensive.  Thus  Alexandria 
an  ancient  dependency  of  Piedmont,  was  defensive 
as  the  appendage  of  this  state :  in  the  hands  of  Aus- 
tria, it  is  openly  offensive  against  Piedmont;  in  this 
case  there  is  a  manifest  error  in  the  distribution  of 
parts.  The  more  Austria  extended  herself  in  Italy, 
the  more  it  became  necessary  to  strengthen  the  fron- 
tiers of  Piedmont.  To  avoid  opposing  the  too  strong 
against  the  too  feeble,  Genoa  was  given  to  the  latter; 
but  the  protection  of  this  city  and  its  sea- coast  will 
always  absorb  a  part  of  its  forces.  The  congress  of 
Vienna  has  proceeded  strangely  in  regard  to  Italy. 
A  first  fault  always  draws  after  it  others.  It  has 
committed  that  of  abandoning  Poland  to  Russia :  this 
encroachment,  offensive  against  the  rest  of  Europe, 
rendered  it  necessary  tostreng  then  Prussia,  and  Aus- 
tria, the  first  neighbours  of  this  formidable  power. 
The  firm  establishment  of  Prussia  was  sacrificed  to 
abstractions  of  undefinable  rights,  which  were  immo- 
lated on  one  side,  while  on  the  other,  they  were 
maintained  at  any  price.  It  was  seen  that  the  cession 
of  upper  Italy  to  Austria,  required  that  Piedmont 
should  be  strengthened  in  proportion;  for  this  pur- 
pose the  congress  gives  to  that  power  the  state  of 
Genoa;  almost  as  proper  to  enfeeble,  as  to  strengthen 
it;  since  Genoa  cannot  supply  the  military,  and  conti- 
nental force,  of  which  Piedmont  had  need  to  oppose 


149 

Austria,  a  continental  power.  Genoa  is  better  cal- 
culated to  increase  maritime  force,  than  to  augment 
continental  and  military  power.  Genoa  would  prove 
more  effectual  against  France,  than  against  Austria; 
yet  against  the  latter  is  Piedmont  to  be  defended. 
No  contradiction  of  sense,  as  appears,  has  been  spar- 
ed in  this  arrangement.  Since  the  subject  in  agita- 
tion w  as  to  arrange  Italy ;  and  the  necessity  was  per- 
ceived of  streupthenino:  the  state  which  bordered  on 
Italian  Austria,  the  material  of  its  establishment  should 
have  been  extended;  it  should  have  been  taken  from 
^vhatever  was  found  disposable  in  this  country.  Par- 
ma, Lucca,  Tuscany  should  have  been  annexed  to 
Piedmont,  to  compose  the  requisite  degree  of  force. 
On  this  occasion,  the  interests  of  states  were  in  ques- 
tion— but  the  aggrandizement  of  families  was  only 
regarded;  the  safety  of  Europe  was  neglected,  to 
serve  the  convenience  of  individuals;  the  Austrian 
power  has  been  swoln  by  such  accessories  as  Mode- 
na,  Parma,  and  Tuscany. 

The  house  of  Bourbon  has  equally  valid  rights 
upon  Parma,  with  those  of  Austria  upon  Tuscany — > 
their  accession  to  these  two  thrones,  and  theii'  fall,  are 
both  of  the  same  d:ite;  tliey  had  both  equally  abdica- 
ted by  ti'eaties. 

What  right  could  re-establish  the  one,  and  hold  the 
other  excluded :  in  this  is  aught  visible  but  the  de- 
crees of  force  ? 

From  all  these  incongruities,  dictated  by  the  insa- 
tiable avidity  of  individuals,  it  has  resulted  that  Italy 
is  null  for  political  Europe ;  that  this  country  which 
might  and  should  be  a  very  influential  member  of  the 
European  association,  is  no  better  than  a  recess  for 

Y 


150 

the  political  order ;  in  reference  to  which,  it  is  aijout 
to  become  again,  what  it  was  before  the  revolution,  a 
species  of  museum  visited  by  foreigners;  inhabited 
by  men  divested  of  the  great  motives  which  tend 
every  where  to  develope  the  intellectual  faculties,  and 
the  noblest  affections  that  can  elevate  the  heart  of 
man.  Italy  is  thus  condemned  to  a  political,  and  her 
inhabitants  to  a  moral,  siesta.  Napoleon  had  begun 
to  rouse  her  from  her  long  slumber.  But  how  far 
M'as  he  from  having  laboured  with  the  latitude  of 
views  corresponding  to  such  a  creation !  Like  ano- 
ther Romulus,  he  might  have  become  the  founder  of 
a  new  Rome.  But  for  this,  he  should  have  quitted 
the  track  worn  by  the  routine  of  ages,  and  instead  of 
getting  bewildered  in  the  divisions  of  Italy  which 
shared  it  in  three  portions,  one  French,  another  Ita- 
lian, a  third  Neapolitan;  he  should  have  acted  with 
the  decision  and  the  freedom  authorized  by  circum- 
stances, and  should  have  cast  in  a  single  mould,  or  at 
the  most  in  two,  but  equally  Italian,  either  the  totality 
of  Italy,  or  the  two  Italics;  upper,  and  lower.  Then 
Italy  would  have  re-appeared  with  splendour  upon 
the  scene  of  the  world;  and  Europe  would  have  ac- 
quired a  new  member,  of  great  weight  in  her  balance. 
Napoleon  might  have  endowed  Italy  with  this  new 
life,  and  Europe  with  this  new  benefit;  an  opportu- 
nity  single  in  the  world;  and  the  more  to  be  regret- 
ted, since  ages  will  not  present  such  another. 

The  destiny  of  Napoleon  was  perhaps  decided,  with 
that  of  Europe,  and  of  France,  by  the  ill  choice  he 
made  in  his  Italian  establishment.  A  great  kingdom 
of  Italy  would  have  been  a  more  faithful,  and  more 
solid  ally  tlran  a  king  of  Naples;  who,  in  proportion 


151 

to  the  inferiority  of  his  forces,  miglit  always  consider 
himself  as  menaced  by  his  creator;  and  compelled, 
even  by  a  regard  for  his  own  safety,  to  combat  for  him 
coldly,  or,  better  still,  to  league  with  his  enemies; 
the  inevitable  result  of  half  measures,  of  half  means, 
this  poison  of  affairs,  which  the  most  disastrous  cap- 
rice could  alone  have  suggested,  in  a  genius  whose 
constituent  faculty  was  the  absence  of  limits.  In 
fine,  the  evil  is  done,  and  Italy  has  thus  relapsed  into 
her  palsy  of  a  thousand  years;  useless  to  others  as  to 
herself;  present  upon  the  geographical  map  of  Eu- 
rope, but  effaced  from  her  political  map.  The  Ita- 
hans  would  have  appeared  wdth  glory  upon  this  thea- 
tre; for  they  have  all  the  qualities  required  to  form 
great  actors;  with  such  power  in  the  arts  and  sciences, 
tliey  must  be  equally  capable  of  excellence  in  other 
pursuits;  and  the  more  extensive  the  career,  the  bet- 
ter they  would  fill  it;  acute,  ardent,  active,  ingenious, 
industiuous,  with  sufficient  motives,  M'hat  want  they 
which  others  possess;  and  what  have  others  in  greater 
perfection?  The  degeneracy  with  ^vhich,  upon  some 
points,  the  Italians  are  reproached,  is  tlie  effect  of 
their  institutions.  Degrading  and  vicious  institutions, 
in  process  of  time,  will  affect  the  character  of  a  peo- 
ple, as  the  water-drop,  by  its  repeated  fall,  acts  upon 
the  stone.  They  have  the  same  fatal  power  of  obli- 
terating the  virtues  of  a  nation. 

The  restoration  of  Italy  was  of  but  a  few  years 
date,  and  already  the  Italy  of  1814,  was  no  longer  the 
Italy  of  1810. 

If  the  glimmer  of  a  dawning  day  had  sufficed  to 
dissipate  many  clouds,  what  might  it  not  have  pro- 
duced when  it  should  have  enlightened  all  with  its 


152 

£ays,  and  warmed  all  with  its  fires!  Who  can  contem 
plate  without  grief  this  new  eclipse  of  Italy,  and  see 
her  sink  back  into  the  tomb  from  which  she  had  en 
franchised  herself  so  recendy!  If  upper  Italy  apper- 
tain to  Austria,  lower  Italy  may  be  considered  as 
English.  Naples  is  English;  much  more,  the  Italian 
seas  are  all  English;  by  the  occupation  of  Gibraltar, 
of  Malta,  and  of  Corfu,  appendages  of  England. 
From  these  three  stations  she  controls  the  two  seas 
which  bathe  the  shores  of  Italy.  Every  Italian  ves- 
sel meets  an  English  barrier  both  on  entering,  and 
leaving  these  seas. 

The  passage  is  guarded,  and  none  can  avoid  thii 
species  of  Custom-house,  at  the  same  time  commer- 
cial and  militarv,  which  Eno-Iand  has  established 
upon  these  three  commanding  points  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean. The  petty  princes  of  Italy  at  Parma,  at 
Modena,  at  Lucca,  at  Florence,  have  no  connexion 
with  politics.  They  are  merely  great  armorial  fees 
of  a  crown;  fair  and  lucrative  endowments  for  indivi- 
duals, but  absolute  nullities,  as  it  respects  policy. 

The  entire  history  of  Spain  may  be  divided  into 
three  great  epochs. 

The  first,  from  the  invasion  of  die  Moors  until  their 
expulsion. 

The  second,  from  the  accession  of  the  house  of 
Austria,  until  that  of  the  house  of  Bourbon. 

The  third,  from  the  accession  of  this  family,  until 
the  revolution  of  France,  and  of  Spanish  America. 

In  the  first,  Spain  was  exclusively  occupied  by  her 
own  affairs  and  Africa. 

In  the  second,  she  menaced  the  liberties  of  Eu- 
rope. 


153 

In  the  third,  her  entire  attention  was  directed  to- 
wards South  America. 

A  fourth  epoch  is  approaching,  in  which  she  will 
be  relieved  from  all  solicitude  with  respect  to  Ame- 
rica. 

During  the  reigns  of  the  princes  of  the  house  of 
Austria,  Spain,  comprehending  the  domains  of  the 
house  of  Burgundy,  possessed  Belgium,  Flanders, 
Artois,  Holland,  Luxembourg,  Burgundy,  andFranche 
Comte;  in  Italy,  Naples,  the  Milanese,  with  Sicily, 
and  Sardinia. 

Also,  Charles  V.  adding  the  imperial  crown  as  a 
pinnacle  to  this  immense  power;  having  at  his  dispo- 
sal a  people  steeled  by  six  hundred  years  of  combats, 
elated  by  the  conquest,  and  strengthened  by  the  trea- 
sures of  the  New  World,  lanched  into  the  project  of 
universal  domination;  to  which  he  felt  himself  invited 
by  the  aspect  of  this  splendid  apparatus  of  power, 
and  by  the  confidence  he  placed  in  the  constancy  of 
such  a  people  as  the  Spaniards.  Perhaps  he  might 
have  accomplished  this  plan,  but  for  the  opposition 
he  found  in  the  reformation;  which  diverted  his  atten- 
tion to  other  objects,  and  saved  Europe.  His  suc- 
cessors, Philip  III.,  Philip  IV.,  Charles  II.,  inherited 
none  of  his  splendid  genius,  nor  of  the  dark,  brooding 
policy  of  his  son,  Philip  II.  The  monarchy  was  in 
extremity,  when  the  house  of  Bourbon  came,  as  it 
were,  to  its  succour ;  then  occurred  a  great  revolution 
in  this  monarchy.  The  treaty  of  Utrecht  had,  indeed, 
secured  Spain  to  the  house  of  Bourbon,  but  Spain 
only;  it  had  retrenched  all  the  possessions  by  which 
she  communicated  with  the  rest  of  Europe.  From 
that  time  her  situation  was  changed;  she  was  detaehr 


154 

ed,  as  it  were,  from  Europe,  having  no  other  relations 
in  this  last  epoch,  but  those  with  America;  as,  in  the 
first,  she  had  been  restricted  to  a  connexion  with 
Africa. 

This  state  has  continued  during  all  the  eighteenth 
century;  for  this  space  of  time  Spain  was  all  in  Ame- 
rica, and  nothing  in  Europe;  a  power  wholly  colonial, 
and  in  no  degree  continental;  a  canal  through  which 
the  riches  of  one  world  flowed  into  the  other;  retain- 
ing for  herself  but  the  smallest  part;  having  an  in- 
fluence upon  the  balance  of  commerce,  but  excluded 
from  that  of  power. 

At  the  present  day  all  this  is  changed;  South  Ame- 
rica separates  with  violence  from  Spain :  instead  of 
ruling  there,  she  must  combat  those  who  disclaim 
all  subjection,  inured  to  war,  and  inflamed  by  an  ob- 
stinate struggle :  instead  of  receiving  its  treasures,  she 
must  exhaust  her  own  to  retain  these  sources  of 
wealth,  which  tend  in  all  parts  to  escape  her.  All 
therefore  is  changed  for  Spain,  and  henceforth  her 
futurity  is  covered  by  an  impenetrable  veil.  France 
separates  her  from  the  rest  of  the  continent ;  she  can 
neither  reach  that,  nor  can  it  reach  her.  England 
with  her  fleets  is  her  only  enemy :  and,  from  before 
Cadiz  she  alarms,  and  governs  Madrid.  Spain  should 
no  longer  be  numbered  among  the  continental  powers. 
The  policy  of  the  continent  being  transacted  in  the 
north,  and  in  Germany,  Spain  has  no  means  to  influ- 
ence it  directly.  It  would  be  only  in  the  case  of  a 
menacing  attack  against  France  that  she  could  shew 
herself,  and  take  part  in  a  continental  transaction ;  and, 
even  in  this  case,  it  is  dubious  how  far  her  succours 
f'ould  be  of  any  avail.     In  the  state  to  which  Spain 


155 

Js  reduced,  would  it  not  be  a  disastrous  illusion  t« 
place  any  confidence  in  her  support?     This  unfortu- 
nate country  hastens  visibly  towards  an  inevitable 
catastrophe.     The  wrong  course  pursued  in  1814  has 
conducted  Spain  to  the  brink  of  frightful  precipices, 
which  deepen  every  day.     It  is  evident  that  a  great 
revolution  threatens  Spain ;  and  considering  the  ele- 
ments which  compose  the  Spanish  character,  it  is  per- 
ceived with  an  alarming  certainty,  that  it  will  be  ter- 
rible.    Never  has  there  been  assembled  more  mate- 
rials proper  to  kindle  and  feed  a  conflagration ;  dis- 
cord, foreign  war,  exhaustion  of  the  revenues,  a  dis- 
credit that  cannot  increase,  the  predominance  of  ideas, 
and  of  plans  fitted  to  ruin  a  country;  superstition,  ex- 
clusion, vengeance,  separation  of  casts;  such  is  the 
train  of  perdition,  in  the  midst  of  which  moves,  or 
rather  jolts,  and  drags,  unfortunate  Spain !     She  has 
no  money,  and  she  makes  war  upon  the  country  that 
would  furnish  it,  had  she  the  sense  to  leave  it  tran- 
quil.    She  is  poor  in  population;  and  she  sends  the 
most  robust  of  her  sons  to  become  extinct  in  the 
fields,  and  the  fens,  of  South  America;  she  has  the 
greatest  need  of  commerce,  and  she  exposes  it  to  be 
preyed  upon  by  swarms  of  hostile  cruisers.     Never 
did  there  exist  a  more  cruel  position,  nor  one  nearer 
the  brink  of  an  abyss.  Ages,  therefore,  must  transpire 
before  Spain  could  become  of  the  smallest  utility  to 
France ;  her  alliance  could  only  be  an  incumbrance 
for  the  latter;  for  it  would  always  be  requisite  to  de- 
fend Spain,  and  always  impossible  to  be  defended  by 
her.     Spain  without  France,  has  no  power  against 
any.     It  was  sufficiently  perceived,  when  cardinal 
Alberoni,  lanchins:  into  a  career  the  extent  of  which 


156 

he  had  not  compared  ^vith  his  forces,  ventured  singly 
to  brave  England,  and  the  emperor  of  Germany ;  in 
one  day  his  mad  projects  perished,  before  Messina, 
with  the  ships  of  Spain.  Spain  is  no  longer  any  thing 
as  to  Europe :  what  she  will  become  without  America 
must  be  seen  hereafter.  South  America  did  not  en- 
rich her,  when  she  possessed  it ;  in  separating  from 
her,  it  completes  her  ruin ;  melancholy  but  certain  re- 
sult of  a  government  which,  like  that  of  the  Turks, 
remains  stationary,  while  improvement  is  advancing 
in  every  other  quarter;  which  occasions  the  culture  of 
the  mind,  and  of  the  earth,  to  be  neglected  equally: 
and  terminates  in  establishing  a  permanent  inferiority 
to  the  rest  of  mankind. 

Portugal  is  no  less  foreign  to  the  general  policy  of 
the  continent.  Such  was  already  its  habitual  state 
when  the  sovereign  resided  in  the  midst  of  it;  still 
more  will  it  remain  estranged  from  this  general  order 
while  the  sovereign  inhabits  another  hemisphere. 

It  is  difficult  to  speak  of  a  country  whose  condition 
is  not  fixed,  and  such  is  the  state  of  Portugal.  It 
cannot  be  destined  to  continue  what  it  is,  the  province 
of  an  American  kingdom.  This  would  be  contrarv 
to  the  nature  of  things,  as  well  as  to  the  general  order 
of  Europe;  which  does  not  permit  that  one  of  its  parts 
should  be  the  colony  of  another  world,  and  have  fre- 
quent occasion  to  demand  answers  at  Brazil,  relating 
to  the  affairs  of  Europe. 

On  this  occasion  it  may  be  remarked  that  many- 
things  in  Europe  are  provisional.  The  force  of  cir- 
cumstances has  caused  them  to  be  admitted,  and  as 
it  were,  overlooked :  the  urgency  of  affairs,  the  need 
of  rapid  results,  have  occasioned  a  connivance  at  these. 


157 

defects ;  but  time  will  bring  them  again  into  notice  in 
proportion  as  the  thorns  shall  become  more  sensible. 
and  urge  a  recurrence  to  amendments.     Such  is  the 
eternal  march  of  things;  let  us  leave  it  for  time  to 
introduce  them.     Spain  and  Portugal,  should  there- 
fore be  brought  as  accessories  only,  into  the  balance 
of  the  power  of  Europe.     These  states  are  found 
between  two  existences,  the  one  drawing  to  a  conclu- 
sion, the  other  commencing;  which  forbids  us  to  re- 
cognise in  them  any  that  is  fixed  and  determinate; 
but  what  is  not  equally  forbidden;  what,  on  the  con- 
trary, excites  a  strong  sympathy  in  every  feeling  heart, 
is  the  cruel  destiny  of  these  two  nations.  Behold  two 
nations  brave  and  intellectual,  capable  of  every  spe- 
cies of  heroism,  who  have  triumphed  over  the  se- 
verest trials;  who  have  run  the  race  of  glory  in  the 
longest,  and  the  rudest  toils;  who,  inspired  only  by 
their  own  genius,  have  conquered  two  worlds,  and 
have  filled  them  with  the  terrors  of  their  name  and  of 
their  glory;  behold  them   efiaced  from  the  scene  of 
the  world;  abandoned  to  the  exclusive  direction  of 
governments,  without  capacity,  as  without  energy, 
without  foresight,  as  without  conduct,  without  calcu- 
lations, as  without  economy,  the  sport  of  courtiers,  as 
of  prejudices;  abandoned  equally  to  superstition,  and 
to  licentiousness.     Courts  half  monastic  have  utterly 
ruined  two  great  nations,  so  illustrious  in  the  past! 
Thev  have  caused  them  to  lose  the  theatres  of  their 
ancient   exploits,    and  the  sources    of  their  future 
wealth.     Without  carrying  admiration  of  the  Spa- 
niards so  far  as  party  spirit  has  made  fashionable  of 
late,  still,  it  is  impossible  not  to  deplore  the  fate  of  a 

z 


158 

people  capable  of  displaying  so  much  devotion,  and 
of  submitting  to  such  sacrifices.  Such  a  people 
should  be  of  more  importance  than  v\  hat  they  have 
been  made.  The  Spaniards,  like  the  Orientals,  and 
the  Africans,  are  never  inclined  to  attack  others;  but 
they  defend  themselves  at  home  with  the  obstinacy, 
and  the  courage  of  the  lion  pressed  in  his  retreat;  as 
they  mingle  not  with  other  nations,  whose  intercourse 
they  have  no  Vv^ish  to  cultivate,  and  to  whom,  on  their 
part,  they  present  few  attractions,  their  natural  aver- 
sion to  strangers  enters  for  half  in  their  efforts  to  re 
pulse  their  attacks;  this  motive,  adding  to  the  natural 
courage  of  these  people,  makes  them  invincible  upon 
their  own  ground,  and  disposes  them  to  the  most  ex- 
traordinary acts  to  remain  its  masters.  It  is  plain 
what  mis:ht  be  made  of  men  mIio  unite  in  a  hisrh  de 
gree  the  requisite  qualities  for  great  thiiigs;  vivacit} 
of  intellect,  ardour  of  imagination,  and,  almost  always, 
intense  excitement  of  passion;  what  rich  materials 
for  an  able  government!  Seeing  what  is  done  every 
day  with  the  blocks  of  marble  fashioned  in  the  north, 
all  must  be  aware  what  might  be  obtained  from 
men  v/ith  souls  of  fire,  in  whom  the  springs  of  pas- 
sion are  always  ready  to  display  their  terrible  energ}-. 
Very  superficial  observers  attribute  the  actual  torpor 
of  the  Spaniards  to  their  climate,  forgetting  \\  hat  thev 
have  achieved  in  all  the  past,  under  the  fires  of  the 
same  sun;  that  of  Rome  was  not  of  ice,  at  the  time 
when  the  sons  of  Romulus  overwhelmed  the  subject 
world;  and,  at  this  day,  the  Orientals,  and  the  Arabs, 
are  seen  slumbering  in  the  same  regions,  where,  in 
other  times,  and  with  other  masters,  they  conquered 
whatever  their  formidable  scimetar  could  reach.    Let 


159 

us  close  this  article  of  the  division  of  the  south  with 
a  general  observation. 

Europe  contains,  less  Turkey,  150,000,000  of 
men.  The  division  of  the  south  has  a  population  of 
28,000,000  of  inhabitants:  thus  we  see  a  fifth  part  of 
the  European  association  rendered  useless  to  its  ge- 
neral action,  and,  as  it  Avere,  paralyzed! 


160 


ENGLAND. 


This  country,  from  its  geographical  position,  is, 
even  more  than  France,  eccentric  to  the  sphere  of 
Europe,  and  is  unfortunately,  therefore,  but  the  bet- 
ter adapted  to  control  it;  since  she  has  nothing  to  ap- 
prehend from  that  quarter. 

England,  though  separated  from  the  continent,  has 
always  endeavoured  to  govern  it,  in  opposition  to  her 
rival  France.  Continental  connexions,  though  strong- 
ly reprobated  by  one  class  of  politicians  in  England,, 
are,  on  the  contrary,  for  the  government,  the  object 
of  a  most  active  solicitude,  which  would  not  tolerate 
the  firing  of  a  single  cannon  in  Europe  without  its 
permission :  it  would  be  seen  hastening  to  arrest  all 
encroachment,  which  might  endanger  the  equilibrium. 
Such  has  been  its  history  for  the  last  hundred  years. 
This  policy,  it  must  be  confessed,  is  large,  while  the 
first  is  narrow;  the  latter  re- unites  England  to  the 
continent,  and  fills  up,  as  it  were,  the  space  which 
separates  them;  the  former  confines  England  at  home, 
and  tends  only  to  render  now  applicable,  what  the 
poet  says  of  ancient  Great  Britain : 

Et  penitus  toto  divisos  o:-he  Britannos. 

Forecast  and  dignity  have  traced  the  route  which 
l^,n gland  has  pursued :  And  also,  how  much  has  she 


161 

profited  by  having  considered  objects  from  this  high 
elevation;  and  by  having  duly  respected  herself!  Her 
last  conflict  continued  for  twenty  years ;  what  obsti- 
nate toil  can  achieve,  has  been  seen:  it  has  raised 
England  to  pre-eminence  among  Puuropean  powers; 
England  evidently  marches  at  their  head.     It  was 
England,  who  in  tliis  long  contest,  ever  resolute  in 
her  opposition;  while  all  changed  around  her;  excited 
to  combats,  reconciled  differences,  and  filled  every 
hand  with  ^^•eapons  and  with  gold.     The  empire  of 
England  is  immense,  as  indestructible.     More  than 
sixty  millions  of  men  either  in  Europe,  or  Asia,  or 
America,  obey  her  laws.     She  colonizes  the  world, 
and  covers  it  with  Englsh  population.     She  girds 
the  globe  with  a  chain  of  posts,  disposed  with  art 
around  its  circumference;  thus  causing  every  avenue 
and  every  passage  from  one  part  to  another,  to  be 
under  her  control,  and  as  it   were  under  her  key. 
From  Heligoland  to  Madras,  and  from  the  Ganges 
to  Hudson's  Bay;  at  Jersey,  at  Gibralter,  at  Corfu,  at 
Malta,  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  at  St.  Helena,  at 
the  Isle  of  France,  Ceylon,  Antigua,  Trinidad,  Jamai- 
ca, Halifax,  every  where,  she  is  found  seated  upon 
rocks,   or  placed  upon   inaccessible  islands,  every 
where  in  safety  herself,  every  where  menacing  others. 
What  arms  cannot  effect,  her  commerce  accomplishes, 
abounding  in  industry  no  less  than  in  wealth,  effect 
and  cause  of  each  other;  the  English  power  is  em- 
ployed above  all  to  foster  commerce,  of  which  itself 
is  the  fruit  and  lends  it  a  continual  support.     This 
power  resulting  from  naval  force  is  immense;  and 
there  presents  nothing  among  any  people,  or  in  any 
epoch  of  history  which  can  be  compared  to  it. 


l62 

It  surpasses  all  the  powers  which  Europe  united 
could  oppose  to  it :  and  to  shiver  this  rod  of  brass  ex 
tended  over  the  world,  will  require  the  deliverers  pre- 
pared by  fate  in  America  to  have  acquired  all  their 
strength;  then,  but  only  then,  it  would  be  possible 
to  reduce  England  to  proportions  less  oppressive  for 
the  rest  of  the  universe.  Till  this  time  arrive  there 
is  nothing  to  resist  her,  nothing  to  oppose  her :  She 
can  receive  no  laws  but  from  herself.  Other  nations 
possess  colonies  only  during  her  good  pleasure :  she 
alone  holds  them  by  an  inalienable  title;  since  her 
navy  covers  them  with  an  impenetrable  egis.  While 
Spain  in  reality  possessed  her  colonies  of  America. 
Enofland  contented  herself  with  knockino;  at  their 
gates,  and  introducing  the  products  of  her  manufac- 
tui'es;  obtaining  in  return  those  of  its  soil,  and  especi- 
ally of  its  mines.  But  at  present  she  rushes  towards 
these  opulent  regions;  and  faithful  to  her  plan,  she 
endeavours  to  naturalize  in  them  the  taste  for  her 
commodities.  Thus  she  makes  a  conquest  of  what- 
ever is  really  useful  in  America,  and  of  that  which  is 
likely  to  attach  it  to  her  forever.  For  her  it  is  an  ac- 
quisition of  the  greatest  value,  and  one  that  will  much  \ 
enlarge  the  basis  of  her  double  power,  her  navy  and 
commerce.  The  latter,  creating  incessantly  new 
bases  of  credit,  imparts  to  England  the  faculty  to 
bear  without  sinking,  a  burden,  the  model  of  which 
is  found  in  no  part  of  history:  and  the  power  of  this 
commerce  and  of  this  credit  combined  is  so  great, 
that  the  revenue  of  England  has  been  seen  to  increase, 
in  the  course  of  the  present  year,  more  than  a  hun- 
dred millions:*  not  by  means  of  new  taxes,  symp- 

*  Of  Francs. 


163 

loms  and  causes  of  disasters,  as  they  are  established 
and  operate  in  most  other  countries;  but  by  the  sole 
eifect  of  her  increasing  prosperity;  thus  displaying  to 
other  nations  not  only  prosperity,  but  the  true  source 
whence  it  flows. 

During  the  late  war,  England  kept  on  foot  a  very 
numerous  army :  this  army  entering  the  career  a  no- 
vice, required  the  aid  of  experience,  and  of  time,  to 
be  enabled  to  cope  with  the  most  distinguished 
troops  of  Europe;  it  has  finally  contributed  to  renew 
the  cruel  days  of  Cressy,  and  of  Poitiers.  It  was  evi- 
dent that  as  it  became  inured  to  ^^•ar,  this  army 
would  ultimately  prove  a  match  for  any  other.  It 
was  sufficient  to  reflect  that  diligent  and  iadustrious 
men,  upon  any  point,  could  not  long  remain  inferior 
to  their  fellows;  that  study  and  observation  would 
soon  approach  them,  and  fill  up  the  distance  at  first 
remarked  between  them. 

If  the  melancholy  results  of  governments  without 
capacity,  as  without  energy,  have  been  remarked  in 
the  picture  we  have  exhibited  of  Spain,  and  of  Portu- 
L'^al;  in  the  p-reatness  of  Enrfand  must  be  recoEcnised, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  effects  of  the  admirable  govern- 
ment she  has  enjoyed;  on  both  sides,  the  effects  cor- 
respond with  perfect  exactness  to  their  causes.  Thi>, 
government  has  done  all;  from  its.  esLai:)lishment,  the 
prosperities  of  England  may  be  dated;  they  commenc- 
ed with  the  complete  confirmation  of  the  English  con- 
stitution; they  have  developed  themselves  by  its  side, 
and  in  the  same  proportions.  Credit  was  bom  in  the 
bosom  of  this  constitution,  and  is  cherished  every  in- 
stant by  its  genial  warmth :  fixed  and  immutable,  it 
h:^s  created  a  policy  immutable,  like  itself.     When 


164 

this  constitution  was  misunderstood  or  combated, 
Charles  II.  and  James  II.  were  pensioners  of  Lewis 
XIV.  and  demanded  the  succour  of  his  troops  against 
their  own  subjects.  History  has  preserved  the  secret 
notes  of  these  monarchs.  But  since  in  England 
every  thing  turns  upon  a  constitution  the  sole  guide 
of  her  counsels,  all  is  changed :  force  has  increased 
with  fidelity  to  law,  and  stability  in  ideas:  and  England 
always  combating,  always  persevering,  supported 
upon  a  basis  of  solid  institutions,  is  arrived  at  the 
glorious  and  triumphant  goal ;  the  worthy  recompense 
of  great  efforts  and  of  clear  views;  as  it  is  a  solemn 
proclamation  of  the  advantage  of  a  government  which 
keeps  the  springs  of  a  nation  in  a  continual  state  of 
just  tension ;  which  prepares  all  its  measures  by  the 
fire,  and  by  the  light  of  public  discussion;  which  de- 
feats selfish  designs,  which  excludes  caprice,  and 
which  imposes  a  necessity  of  leaving  the  helm  to  the 
ablest  pilot.  Though  the  prosperity  of  England  is 
already  a  species  of  phenomenon,  yet  we  must  pre- 
pare to  see  it  greatly  increased  by  an  approaching 
event,  destined  to  have  a  decisive  influence  upon  the 
fate  of  all  the  nations  of  the  world;  the  liberty  of 
South  America.  This  liberty  prepares  a  new  futu- 
rity for  the  universe;  and  will  open  to  it  sources  of 
wealth,  as  yet  unknown  among  men.  England, 
who  with  unwearied  pace  pursues  this  wealth  in, 
every  part  of  the  globe,  cannot  fail  to  appropriate  its 
largest  portion;  her  industry,  her  activity,  her  capitals, 
give  her  the  first  claims  at  its  distribution:  South 
America  has  become  her  warehouse,  and  her  saga- 
city has  not  deceived  her  in  the  choice  of  means  to 
secure  the  possession.     The  government  has  no  oc- 


165 

rasion  to  interfere  in  this  affair;  perhaps  those  who 
administer  it  are  even  disinchned  towards  this  great 
change;  to  which  their  personal  position  may  tend  to 
render  them  averse;  it  is  the  body  of  tlie  nation  which 
acts,  and  which  pursues  the  direction  indicated  by  its 
interest.     Individuals  supply  to  America — what  the 
govennnent  has  pledged  itself  not  to  give  her;  it  ob- 
serves a  legal  neutrality,  but  allows  private  enterprize 
to  fulfil  the  wishes  of  the  nation.     It  knows  that  in 
working  for  themselves,  they  must  also  work  for 
England;  who  finally  becomes  the  associate  of  their 
advantages,  and  as  it  Avere  the  common  reservoir  in 
which  all  their  profits  are  deposited.     In  this  parti- 
cular, the  address  of  the  government  has  been  admir- 
able.    Scarcely  are  the  new  s:overnments  formed  in 
America,  when  that  of  England  has  already  left  all 
its  subjects  at  li!:)erty  to  turn  their  speculations  in  this 
direction.     Though  America  comes  openly  in  search 
of  succours  in  England :  tliough  enlistments  are  made 
for  'America,  witli  the  same  publicity  as  for  India; 
the  government  sees  nothing,  hears  nothing:  it  nei- 
ther participates  nor  opposes;  for  it  knows  that  these 
succours,  that  these  auxiliaries,  will  act  equally  upon 
the  affections,  and  upon  the  tastes  of  America,  and 
will  dispose  her  to  espouse  the  interests  of  England. 
A  sound  policy,  and  not  unworthy  of  imitation.    The 
commerce  of  America,  like  all  others,  will  take  the 
direction  of  the  north  of  Europe;  England  is  upon 
ihe    route,    she    must,    therefore,    participate    in   it 
largely. 

The  British  kingdoms  contain  18,000,000  of  inha- 
bitants; a  larger  number  than  they  ever  had.  Com- 
merce and  civilization,   which  have  extended  all  the 

\  a 


166 

arts,  and  have  caused  their  application  to  all  the  parts 
of  human  existence,  account  for  this  increase.  The 
same  causes  will  continue  to  act  according  to  their 
appropriate  principles,  and  this  they  cannot  fail  to  do 
with  great  energy.  The  English  population  will  in- 
crease more  from  commerce  than  agriculture;  because 
the  spaces  are  wanting  for  the  extension  of  the  latter, 
whereas  those  of  commerce  are  enlarged  by  its  own 
progress.  Agriculture  is  a  limited  mean;  commerce 
is  a  horizon  without  bounds.  The  Irish  population 
will  increase  both  by  commerce,  and  agriculture;  be- 
cause there  exists  in  this  country  a  great  number  of 
unoccupied  places  in  the  two  careers.  Ireland  num- 
bers nearly  6,000,000  of  inhabitants;  she  has  room 
for  12,000,000.  Precise  limits  cannot  be  assigned  to 
the  population  of  an  insular  country  provided  with 
such  powerful  vehicles  as,  a  cincture  of  ports,  great 
wealth,  and  improved  knowledge,  applied  to  the  me- 
lioration of  commerce,  and  of  agriculture.  They  are 
the  most  potent  kvers  which  can  be  placed  in  the 
hands  of  man. 

England  has  in  reality  but  two  important  interests 
upon  the  continent;  one  of  which  is  direct,  the  other 
indirect;  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands,  her  creation; 
and  Hanover,  a  dependency  of  the  reigning  family. 
As  for  the  rest,  provided  nothing  menace  the  general 
equilibrium,  her  interest  is  a  mere  nullity. 

Englaixl  will  observe  France  and  Russia  narrowly; 
she  will  protect  Portugal  and  Naples;  she  will  make 
her  profit  of  lucrative  Spain;  but,  in  other  respects, 
she  will  restrict  herself  to  the  cultivation  of  ordinar} 
relations  with  other  states.  Having  nothing  to  appre  , 
hend  for  lierself,  nor  from  herself,  nothing  to  acquire 


167 

upon  the  continent,  she  will  continue  indeed  to  inftu- 
ence  it;  but  her  action  will  proceed  from  without,  by 
means  of  her  maritime  forces,  present  every  where, 
at  the  same  time.  England  is  to  Europe  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  sea,  what  Russia  is  upon  land.  To  balance 
her  would  require,  what  we  never  yet  have  seen,  and 
what  we  are  not  very  likely  to  see,  a  complete  union 
of  the  plans,  of  the  intentions,  and  of  all  the  naval 
forces  of  Europe.  There  is  no  salvation  in  any  thin^ 
short  of  this.  England  knows  it;  nor  is  it  Europe 
any  longer  that  disturbs  her  repose;  the  lion  is  down; 
France  is  now  nothing  more  than  ancient  France; 
strong  at  home,  impotent  against  England. 

It  is  North  America  that  England  will  fear  in  fu- 
ture; for  it  is  the  country  where  there  exists  most  of 
the  elements  which  render  herself  formidable. 

North  America  is  a  second  England;  descent,  lan- 
guage, manners,  natural  bias  towards  commerce  and 
maritime  pursuits,  all  are  English  in  America. 

Fable  has  had  its  rival  brothers;  England  and  the 
United  States  will  realize  the  fable.  Sprung  from  the 
same  blood,  swayed  by  the  same  inclinations,  instead 
of  uniting  them,  these  circumstances  will  tend  only 
to  place  them  in  perpetual  opposition.  Both  in  pur- 
suit of  the  same  prey,  the  profits  of  the  world,  they 
will  incessantly  jostle  each  other  in  the  same  career, 
and  conflicts  will  ensue;  the  prolongation  of  tlie  con- 
test will  render  them  irreconcileable.  But  the  United 
States  engage  in  it  with  immense  advantages  over 
their  adversary.  Their  territory  is  boundless;  their 
population  can  admit  of  no  limits;  England  has  cer- 
tain limits  in  both;  she  can  conquer  nothing  from 
America;  the  latter  will  inevitably  divest  her  of  Ca- 


168 

nada,  of  Acadia,  of  Newfoundland;  all  that  England 
possesses  upon  the  American  continent  is  destined  by 
the  force  of  things  to  slip  from  her  grasp.  England 
can  never  send  from  Europe  armies  competent  to  con- 
tend with  those  of  the  United  States,  backed  by  the 
affections  of  the  inhabitants,  who,  like  all  those  of 
America,  incline  to  detach  themselves  from  Europe. 

The  United  States  will  take  the  lead  of  England 
in  all  the  commerce  of  the  West  Indies,  and  Southern 
America;  and  it  is  easy  to  see  that  this  part  of  the 
globe  must  become  the  seat  of  the  great  commerce 
of  the  world. 

The  distance  which  separates  England  from  x\me- 
rica  constitutes  the  strength  of  the  latter;  in  Europe, 
the  vicinity  of  England  causes  the  mischief;  she  is, 
as  it  were,  the  next  door  neighbour  to  all;  but,  with 
America,  it  is  requisite  to  lose  sight  of  England;  to 
make  a  long  voyage;  and  remain  very  far  from  her 
ports,  her  magazines,  and  her  arsenals. 

To  put  down  Carthage,  Rome  had  but  one  city  to 
destroy;  but  one  point  to  occupy;  but  how  is  colossal 
America  to  be  put  down?  Delenda  America ^  is  a 
bolder  expression  than  delenda  Carthago!  Nature 
herself  constructs  this  new  Carthage  over  against 
England;  it  may,  indeed,  have  its  Hannibals,  who, 
more  fortunate  than  the  Carthaginian  hero,  are  very 
sure  that  new  Scipios  can  never  arrive  to  subdue 
their  country;  which  no  longer  consists  in  a  single 
city,  like  Carthage,  but  in  the  half  of  a  world;  which 
submits  to  no  such  destruction;  and  is  protected  at 
once  by  its  extent,  its  ships,  and  its  millions  of  inha 
bitants. 


169 


CHAPTER  V. 

Comparison  of  the  Ancient  Political  Order  with  the 
jYeiu. 

The  particular  characteristic  of  the  ancient  order, 
was  equihbrium  between  the  principal  powers.  It 
contained  means  of  repression  against  such  as  might 
attempt  to  disturb  it. 

It  is  not  to  be  understood,  however,  that  a  strict 
equality  prevailed  between  these  powers.  Policy  no 
more  admits  of  agrarian  laws  between  nations,  than 
between  individuals;  but  if  there  existed  nations  pos- 
sessed of  great  fortunes,  these  met  with  others  pos- 
sessed of  as  great;  who  served,  at  the  same  time, 
for  barriers  against  them,  and  as  ramparts  for  the 
liberty  of  others. 

These  powers  presented  vulnerable  points,  and 
others  by  which  they  might  be  seized.  Thus,  France 
and  Austria,  Austria  and  Prussia,  Turkey  and  Russia, 
France  and  Spain,  with  respect  to  England,  were  in 
this  state  of  permanent  equilibrium,  and  could  reci- 
procally balance  each  other. 

The  particular  characteristic  of  the  actual  order  is, 
to  want  this  equality,  the  safeguard  of  all.  Two  co- 
lossal  powers  ha^e  risen  upon  Europe,  England,  and 
Russia.  They  press  her  from  two  opposite  sides; 
they  embrace  her;  they  besiege  her,  as  it  were;  they 


170 

compel  her  to  regulate  all  her  movements  by  theirsj 
they  will  allow  her  neither  sleep  nor  repose. 

Their  force  is  in  nature,  which  gives  them  all  the 
means  to  attack  others,  whilst  it  renders  them  inac- 
cessible to  all  attack;  thus  the  proportional  equality 
is  found  to  be  broken  by  the  very  hands  of  nature, 
and  all  guarantee  destroyed. 

There  existed,  it  is  true,  previously  to  the  new  or- 
der, preponderant  powers,  but  not  powers  exclusively 
preponderant;  whose  force  was  so  disproportioned  to 
that  of  others,  as  to  reduce  them  to  a  state  of  abso- 
lute vassalage;  unable  to  sustain  tliemselves  without 
a  continual  league. 

The  guarantee  which  existed  in  things  is  no  more: 
all  actual  guarantee  exists  but  in  men;  and  therefore 
but  too  fragile !  A  thousand  causes  may  destroy  it 
— An  alliance  of  policy  or  of  family;  an  aberration 
resulting  from  mistake,  or  corruption,  may  dispose  of 
it,  and  abandon  Europe  to  chains.  In  effect,  Eu- 
rope has  no  longer  a  guarantee  but  in  the  holy  alii 
ance;  for  such  is  her  deplorable  state.  History 
sometimes  presents  the  picture  of  states  that  have 
acquired  a  very  considerable  preponderance  by,  what 
may  be  termed,  the  sudden  eruption  of  princes  en- 
dowed with  extraordinary  genius. 

Thus  Gustavus  Adolphus,  Lewis  XIV.,  Frederic, 
have  given  for  a  time  to  their  countries  an  importance 
superior  to  the  natural  means  of  their  states;  but  this 
splendour  was  only  a  transient  meteor,  for  the  very 
reason  that  it  proceeded  from  man,  and  not  from  the 
essence  of  things :  it  disappeared  with  those  who  had 
caused  it;  the  absence  of  these  men  of  genius  was 
sufficient  to  establish  an  equality,  and  sometimes  in- 


171 

ferlority  with  regard  to  other  states;  as  in  the  exam- 
ple of  Sweden,  or  of  Prussia.  But  as  it  respects 
Europe,  things  are  much  worse.  Here  the  inferio- 
rity has  deeper  roots:  they  bury  themselves  in  the 
nature  of  things.  The  question  no  longer  turns  upon 
the  fortunes  of  a  man;  our  business  is  now  with  this 
nature  of  things,  against  which  nothing  ever  prevails. 
Men  appear,  rise,  sink,  change,  and  disappear.  The 
successor  often  delights  to  move  in  a  route  direcdy 
opposite  to  that  of  his  predecessors;  but  who  can  thus 
turn  things  from  the  course  assigned  them  by  nature  ? 
Gustavus  perishes  at  the  plains  of  Lutzen;  the  Swe- 
dish greatness  is  eclipsed  at  Pultawa,  for  this  power 
was  created  as  by  the  hand  of  man;  but  when  power 
is  cemented  by  the  very  hand  of  nature,  what  term 
can  be  assigned  for  its  duration?  In  all  political 
constructions  this  should  be  well  considered;  once 
erected  they  produce  effects  according  to  their  na- 
ture. If  they  repose  on  a  grand  basis  of  power,  am- 
bition will  desire  to  employ  it: — for  this  is  its  gratifi- 
cation; none  becomes  powerful  but  for  the  purpose  of 
command:  and  giving  the  means  of  oppression,  gives 
also  the  desire  to  employ  them. 

The  evil  of  the  actual  order  consists,  therefore,  iij 
the  erection  of  two  powers  disproportioned  to  the 
rest  of  the  European  force :  There  lies  the  capital 
defect  of  the  present  and  future  policy;  a  defect 
which  leaves  the  other  powers  not  a  moment  of 
security,  or  of  genuine  liberty.  Thus  on  every  occa- 
sion, all  must  travel  to  Petersburgh  and  London  to 
take  the  word  of  command:  it  was  more  convenient 
to  receive  it  at  Paris.  Europe  has  taken  a  general 
attitude  of  vassalage.  In  the  political  order.     After 


172 

having  made  trial  of  the  French  supremacy,  she 
has  now,  very  innocently,  resigned  herself  to  tht 
chains  of  Russia,  and  of  England. 

Laws  of  steel  command  Prussia,  and  Austria,  tc 
continue  in  the  strictest  union;  let  them  look  beyond 
them,  and  they  will  see  that  if  petty  interests  may 
divide,  an  interest  of  the  greatest  possible  strength 
bids  them  to  unite;  on  one  hand  there  is  a  few  vil- 
lages more  or  less ;  on  the  other — existence :  The 
independence  of  one  will  follow  that  of  the  other; 
what  would  enfeeble  Prussia,  would  equally  enfeeble 
Austria;  each  blow  aimed  at  the  one,  will  be  felt  as 
much  by  the  other.  Austria  can  now  take  nothing; 
from  any  member  of  the  Germanic  body:  all  the 
petty  princes  and  ecclesiastical  sovereignties  have 
disappeared:  She  could  therefore,  only  encroaci' 
upon  the  great  states;  but  there  would  commence  re- 
sistance, and  combats.  The  same  is  the  situation  of 
Prussia;  she  can  achieve  nothing  against  the  Nether- 
lands, nor  against  France:  the  latter  of  necessity  would 
sustain  the  former.  In  all  the  zone  bordering  on 
Prussia,  there  exists  not  a  state  but  what  is  covered 
by  the  Egis  of  the  Germanic  confederation.  Aus- 
tria would  defend  Saxony :  England  protects  HanvD- 
ver  in  a  special  manner.  Near  home,  therefore, 
Prussia  can  accomplish  no  object  of  ambition.  She 
is  a  definite  power,  though  her  limits  are  very  ill- 
chosen:  She  will  be  found  to  waste  much 'time  in 
attempting  corrections,  and  in  overtures  for  exchanges; 
but,  in  future  she  is  restricted  to  this :  not  liable  to 
be  conquered,  but  under  an  absolute  incapacity,  to 
conquer. 

Ivv'erv  continental  v/ar  will  resolve  itself  necessa- 


173 

rily  into  a  war  of  alliance :  for  the  principal  weights 
are  too  great  to  be  balanced  otherwise  than  by  coali- 
tions :  And  the  dangers  are  too  manifest,  and  too 
serious,  not  to  indicate  coalition  as  the  only  means  of 
salvation. 

Here  it  is  the  combat  of  the  Horatii ;  we  perish 
lighting  one  by  one :  we  may  sustain  each  other,  and 
perhaps  escape,  under  the  same  shield.  The  old 
grudges  which,  in  the  times  of  the  revolution,  pre- 
vented the  German  powers  from  uniting  with  sin- 
cerity, have  gradually  worn  away.  At  that  epoch, 
the  same  men  who  for  so  many  years  had  met  upon 
the  Oder  and  the  Elbe,  encountered  upon  the  Meuse 
and  the  Rhine. 

Astonished  at  their  new  ties,  embittered  by  inve- 
terate resentments,  rejoicing  more  at  the  disasters  of 
their  auxiliaries,  than  at  those  of  their  enemies,  they 
were  found  rather  in  presence,  than  alliance.  No  con- 
siderations of  a  higher  order  had,  as  yet,  required  of 
them  the  sacrifice  of  their  prejudices,  and  the  abjura- 
tion of  their  hatreds;  they  had  not  then  felt  the 
stings  of  adversity;  impending  dangers  were  not  be- 
fore their  eyes :  but  here  they  are  visible,  they  are 
palpable,  they  appeal  to  all  the  senses.  Consequently, 
the  alliance  of  the  great  German  powers  is  irrevoca- 
bly, and  eternally,  decreed  by  the  bare  spectacle  of 
'he  power  which  has  sprung  up  under  their  eyes;  and 
whose  weight  will  not  delay  to  make  itself  felt. 
Under  this  head,  the  new  system  of  the  continent  is 
of  extreme  simplicity.  It  consists  in  two  points;  for 
3ach  to  defend  what  he  has,  and  to  fix  a  watchful 
2ye  upon  Russia.  With  respect  to  the  sea,  the  sys- 
tem is  equally  simple,  one  only  is  strong,  all  others 

•  b 


174 

are  feeble;  they  should  therefore  be  united,  in  order 
to  be  the  least  feeble  possible,  and  approximate  to 
the  force  Avhich  is  opposed  against  them. 

France,  as  we  have  already  had  occasion  to  remark, 
is  the  nucleus  round  which  this  maritime  confedera- 
tion will  always  groupe,  because  she  constitutes  its 
most  powerful  part.  The  formation  of  alliances  resem- 
bles that  of  animal  bodies,  where  the  heart  is  the  first 
to  partake  of  life,  about  which  all  the  rest  approaches 
to  seek  it.  France  is  no  longer  fitted  to  inspire  any 
with  distrust.  Let  her  situation  be  well  considered, 
and  none  surely  will  suspect  her  of  brooding  projects 
against  Spain,  more  than  against  Germany;  and 
still  less  against  Italy :  and  if,  besides,  the  supports 
are  considered  which  are  always  ready  to  fly  to  the 
succour  of  the  Netherlands;  it  will  be  seen  that  she 
might  as  well  dream  of  the  conquest  of  Europe,  and 
of  England.  France,  therefore,  can  now  have  but 
one  principal  tendency,  that  of  the  sea ;  upon  which 
she  will  recover  all  the  superiority  refused  her  by  the 
continental  order.  A  maritime  confederation  in  the 
policy  of  Europe,  in  general,  is  like  the  German  con- 
federation in  that  of  Germany,  in  particular;  these  are, 
at  present,  the  two  elementary  pivots  of  all  political 
order. 

Several  things,  hence  follow ; 

1.  That  the  actual  system  leaves  less  liberty  than 
the  preceding. 

2.  That  the  political  order  is  simplified, 

3.  That  no  secondary  power  has  either  the  means, 
or  the  interest  to  encroach;  as  we  perceive  from  the 
state  of  Sweden,  that  of  France,  of  the  Netherlands, 
of  Austria,  of  Piedmont.     The  division  of  the  south 


175 

of  Europe  will  scarcely  be  suspected  of  harbouring 
tumultuary  projects.  Consequently,  all  the  po^ve^s 
are  found  in  what  may  be  termed  a  state  of  self- 
preservation,  adverse  to  wars;  and  wliich  simplifies 
the  movements  of  the  political  machine.  On  recol- 
lecting the  principles  of  the  continual  wars,  which 
ha^■e  agitated  Europe  since  that  of  the  Spanish  suc- 
cession, nothing  is  recognised  in  the  actual  state  of 
Europe,  which  exposes  her  to  the  return  of  similar 
conflicts.  There  no  longer  is,  as  at  tlvit  time,  Spa- 
nish domains  to  share  out,  nor  throne  of  Spain  to  ex- 
cite the  ardour  of  competitors.  This  long  and  cruel 
war  was  the  eftect  of  the  dispersion,  over  the  surface 
of  Europe,  of  the  members  of  the  Spanish  monarchy; 
nothing  so  encouraging  to  ambitious  projects;  when 
each  sees  the  means  of  aggrandizement,  each  also  is 
tempted  to  employ  them.  The  richness  of  the  spoil 
therefore  is  what  causes  the  duration  of  wars,  and  their 
intensity.  Thus  in  the  war  of  the  succession,  the 
stakes  consisted  of  the  Netherlands,  (then  Spanish) 
the  Milanese,  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  Sardinia  and 
Sicily ;  there  was  something  for  all  tastes,  and  for  all 
appetites.  We  shall  never  see  another  Spanish  suc- 
cession! 

The  first  war  against  Maria  Theresa,  with  that  of 
1756,  its  consequence,  are  not  of  a  nature  to  be  re- 
newed; there  is  no  longer  an  Austrian  inheritance  to 
be  shared;  no  longer  a  Silesia  to  wrest  from  Austria. 
to  defend  against  Austria;  there  is  no  longer  a  Poland 
to  divide,  a  Bavaria  to  be  invaded.  The  feeble  cre- 
scent will  reign  peaceably  within  the  circle  traced 
about  him.  All  the  causes,  therefore,  of  the  wars  of 
the  eighteenth,  are  wanting  in  the  present  century: 


176 

the  contentious  matter  is  exhausted.  The  fixation  and 
simplification  of  interests  have  drained,  as  it  were, 
its  source;  and  pohtical  projectors  must  submit  to  the 
despair  of  being  unable  to  disturb  the  immense  mass 
of  interests  reciprocally  interwoven;  which  it  would 
be  necessary  to  shake  at  the  same  time,  in  order  to 
produce  a  perceptible  agitation.  Consequently,  Europe 
is  devoted  to  a  state  of  fixedness,  and  of  permanent 
immobility;  it  may  be  said  of  her  with  the  poet: 

Stat  mole  sua. 

Only  the  two  great  masses  that  press  upon  Fai  ■ 
rope,  can  produce  any  sensible  shock;  for  they  only 
have  weight  enough,  and  present  dangers  enough  to 
excite  and  to  justify  a  movement,  which  the  mo- 
ment they  are  concerned,  must  become  general;  for 
every  partial  movement  would  couple  imprudence, 
\vith  inutility. 

Here  another  question  presents  itself.  Is  the  order 
just  described  more  compc^tible  with  the  interests  of 
Europe,  than  that  we  may  presume  to  have  been  con- 
ceived by  Napoleon?  We  have  seen  that  which, 
exists;  let  us  now  consider  that  which,  we  may  sup- 
pose, would  have  existed. 

France,  from  the  Yssel  to  the  Alps  and  to  the  Py- 
renees: the  Germanic  confederation  of  the  north,  from 
the  Rhine  to  the  Elbe;  that  of  the  south,  from  the 
Rhine  to  the  Inn,  and  the  mountains  of  Bohemia. 

Without  this  grand  limit,  which  \\'as  a  species  of 
outwork  to  France,  Prussia,  the  dutchy  of  Warsaw, 
Austria,  and  Illyria;  on  the  three  northern  sides,  Rus- 
sia, Denmark,  Sweden.  Italy,  forming  a  single  state, 
or,  at  most,  divided  into  two.     The  Hanseatic  cities 


177 

were  not  destined,  more  than  Rome,  to  continue  de- 
pendant on  France.  All  these  places  had  been  occu- 
pied rather  against  England,  than  for  France;  these 
extensions  of  territory  were  not  of  a  nature  to  be 
durable.  In  making  them,  Napoleon  conducted  like 
the  architect,  who  assembles  materials  on  the  ground- 
plot  of  the  edifices  he  purposes  to  construct.  The 
dutch}'  of  Berg  would  inevitably  have  been  melted 
into  the  monarchy  erected  in  Westphalia;  sooner  or 
later,  this  arrangement  must  have  been  realized.  What 
was  seen  to  exist,  proceeded,  in  some  respects,  from 
circumstances;  or,  perhaps,  from  irritations;  none  oi 
which  were  of  a  nature  to  endure,  but  all  such  as 
time  would  have  reformed.  An  edifice  cannot  be 
judged  until  it  is  completed;  that  in  question  was 
merely  commenced.  The  architect  was  master  of 
his  ground;  he  felt  himself  bound  by  no  precedent; 
he.  was  accountable  for  his  works  to  none  but  himself. 
Free  to  apply  the  faculties  of  his  mind,  as  well  as  the 
immensity  of  his  force,  to  perfecting  his  work,  he 
would  have  amended  until  he  had  effaced  its  defects, 
and  heightened  its  advantages.  In  this  plan,  it  is  true, 
the  supremacy  was  on  the  side  of  France;  but,  how- 
ever mischievous  be  all  supremacy,  this  was,  at  least, 
less  menacing,  and  more  remediable,  than  that  of 
Russia. 

Wars  against  the  Russians,  and  their  terrible  auxi- 
liaries, the  rapacious  tribes  who  follow  their  armies, 
are  incomparably  more  desolating  than  wars  waged 
with  the  civilized  nations  of  the  west.  For  barbarism 
comes  from  the  east.  All  this  supremacy,  for  which 
Napoleon  is  so  much  reproached,  would  have  come 
to  an  end;  himself  would  have  found  the  samp  which 


178 

iiuture  assigns  to  all;  tlien  would  the  usual  order  oi' 
societies,  that  is,  independence,  ha\'e  resumed  its  or- 
dinary course;  whereas,  in  the  actual  state,  depen- 
dance  is  established  by  the  very  nature  of  things. 
But  what  was  found  especially  more  European  in  the 
order  we  analyze,  and  which  resulted  from  the  system 
of  Napoleon,  consisted  in  the  union  it  compelled  of 
all  the  maritime  forces  of  Europe  in  a  single  mass. 

Hatred,  and  limited  views,  have  exposed  only  the 
odious  part  of  the  enterprise  t»  gainst  Spain;  they  have 
emulously  kept  out  of  sight  the  part  destined  to  give 
new^  life  to  this  languishing  monarchy:  more  durable 
relations  with  France,  and  a  uniform  direction  towards 
maritime  emancipation.  Consequently,  the  confedera- 
tion necessary  to  effect  it  was  found  ready  made,  and 
united,  as  it  were,  in  the  same  hand.  What,  in  future, 
must  be  sought,  and  almost  implored,  was  then  in  ac- 
tual possession;  Spain,  France,  Holland,  and  all  the 
shores  of  Italy,  presented  in  this  uniform  direction  a 
mass  of  forces  which  would  not  have  been  braved 
with  impunity.  Napoleon,  to  crown  this  confedei'ar 
tion,  gave  it  the  alliance  of  the  United  States. 

This  was  a  trait  of  genius,  indicating  in  its  author 
tlie  vast  and  judicious  idea  that  the  navies  of  Europe, 
by  themselves,  are  not  in  a  condition  to  balance  that 
of  England;  and  that  ihey  must  be  supported  by  that 
of  the  United  States,  or  succumb  in  every  conflict 
with  this  formidable  adversary.  Napoleon  would  not 
have  committed  the  inexcusable  fault  of  resisting  the 
emancipation  of  Southern  America;  in  which  he  would 
have  perceived  the  same  principle  of  succour,  he  had 
already  discerned  in  the  maritime  energies  of  the  Uni- 
ted States. 


179 

These  grand  results,  so  formidable  for  England, 
certainly  did  not  escape  the  penetration  of  the  minis- 
try of  that  country;  and,  because  it  knew  all  the  ex- 
tent of  the  effects  of  this  system,  it  has  pursued  its 
author  with  so  animated,  and  so  persevering  a  perse- 
cution; it  felt  that,  on  pain  of  death,  it  had  become  re- 
quisite to  triumph  over  the  sole  enemy  England  ever 
had,  who  was  capable  of  appreciating  her  position, 
her  vulnerable  points,  and  the  means  of  wounding 
her.  The  ministers  assumed  an  air  of  sympathy  for 
the  fate  of  Europe,  but  they  were  only  solicitous  for 
that  of  England;  they  appeared  in  the  attitude  of  ex- 
tending the  hand  of  protection  towards  the  oppressed, 
touched  with  a  sense  of  their  woes;  but  it  \vas  for 
themselves  they  invoked  succours,  while  clamorously 
vociferating  for  union  against  the  common  enemy. 
Fully  apprized  there  was  no  salvation  for  them  but  in 
the  safety  of  all;  that  by  the  succour  of  every  hand 
could  only  be  broken  the  rod  under  which  Europe 
bowed,  they  successfully  duped  her  into  an  interest 
for  the  safety  of  England,  But  since  their  efforts 
have  been  attended  by  a  too  happy  success;  now 
England  reigns  over  those  she  has  enfranchised,  there 
is  ample  leisure  to  feel  what  this  marvellous  deliver- 
ance has  cost;  to  judge  what  has  been  gained  by 
changing  the  yoke;  and  perceive  v.hat  motives  dic- 
tate the  resumption  of  the  plan  destroyed,  so  far  as 
circumstances  still  admit  of  its  execution. 


180 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Spirit  of  the  actual  policy. 

The  time  of  agitations  is  past.  The  European 
tempest  is  appeased :  an  irresistible  force  assigns  to 
each  whatever  he  may  have  rescued  from  its  violence. 
The  contented  and  the  discontented,  the  rich  and  the 
poor,  each  must  keep  the  place  he  occupies,  and 
which  the  force  of  things  assigns  him.  The  new 
destinies  of  Europe  chain  him  there.  Whatever  has 
been  aggrandized,  will  continue  more  great;  erected 
on  the  pedestal  of  necessity,  and  of  fortune:  whatever 
has  dwindled  and  bent,  must  derive  its  consolations 
from  the  same  sentiment  of  necessity,  and  of  associa- 
tion with  the  common  good.  Become  all  equally 
stones  of  the  edifice,  they  should  remain  in  the  place 
where  the  hand  of  the  architect  has  placed  them ; 
chained  by  prudence,  as  well  as  by  weakness;  to 
five  and  twenty  years  of  agitations,  long  days  of  tran- 
quillity are  about  to  succeed. 

Two  things  produce  troubles,  and  prepare  political 
storms. 

1.  Rights  and  political  calculations,  constitute  the 
material  of  these  troubles. 

2.  The  private  dispositions  of  the  directors  of  poli- 
cy, influence  their  peculiar  character. 

In  the  actual  state  of  Europe  all  rights  are  esta- 
blished.    ^Ve  perceive  none  of  the  plausible  pretexts 


181 

and  subjects  of  litigation  which  the  diplomatic  arl 
was  employed  to  discover,  to  cultivate,  and  lead 
from  afar  to  an  object  foreseen,  and,  too  often,  realized 
by  injustice  amidst  the  general  surprise.  Ancient 
diplomacy  lived  too  much  upon  surprises;  the  effects 
of  crooked  calculations,  which  displaced  in  a  moment 
all  the  bases  of  the  system  in  being.  Thus  by  tlie 
treaty  of  1756,  the  French  policy  was  wrested  with 
violence  from  its  old  foundations,  to  be  trans[)lanted 
in  a  direction  contrary  to  that  which  it  had  ever  fol- 
lowed. And  France  with  astonishment  beheld  herself 
transported  in  a  day  to  the  side  of  those  against  whom 
she  had  combated  three  hundred  years,  and  in  view 
of  those  with  whom  she  had  shared  many  battles.  The 
partition  of  Poland  also  exhibited  the  union  around 
a  common  spoil  of  those,  who  till  then,  had  been  occu- 
pied in  despoiling  one  another.  These  abrupt  changes, 
happening  in  the  conduct  of  states,  tend  to  shake  them, 
as  earthquakes  shake  cities  placed  on  a  violently  agitat- 
ed soil.  But  at  this  day,  all  the  elements  of  these  com- 
motions are  dissipated;  they  are  not  to  be  discovered 
in  things,  more  than  in  men.  When  the  division  of 
power  is  equal  between  many,  conflicts  are  more  easi- 
ly set  on  foot  than  when  the  number  is  more  restrict- 
ed. Thus,  in  the  actual  state  of  things,  two  pov/ers 
predominate.  Great  distances  separate  them ;  they 
are  of  different  natures ;  they  have  nothing  to  envy, 
nor  directly  to  take  from,  each  other :  the  principal 
force  of  Europe  is  therefore  in  a  natural  state  of  reci 
procal  peace. 

The  secondary  powers  may  indeed  be  compelled  to 
observe  a  continual  defensive  against  these  two  supe 
riors :  but  they  have  neither  the  means  nor  interest 

r  r 


182 

to  attack  them:  the  great  powers  will  prevent,  or  else 
arransre  the  differences  which  mav  arise  between  the 
little  states,  and  will  not  allow  them  to  issue  in  a  dis 
astrous  eruption;  and  this  from  a  regard  to  their  own 
security;  for  it  would  prove  impossible  for  them  t(- 
avoid  taking  part  in  these  debates,  in  the  end.  From 
that  time  the  war  would  become  general :  and,  under 
the  actual  system,  nothing  is  easier  to  perceive  than 
that  every  war  in  Europe,  becoming  necessarily  a  war 
of  alliance,  will  terminate  also  in  a  general  war.  The 
weight  of  this  consideration  will  obstinately  contend 
for  the  preservation  of  peace. 

The  states  of  Europe,  plunged  in  debt  by  their 
late  wars,  will  not  for  a  long  time  be  able  to  support 
the  expenses  of  new  conflicts.  Credit  would  vanish 
at  the  first  stroke  of  the  drum,  and  its  absence  would 
complete  their  ruin;  already  too  far  advanced. 

With  the  immense  expenditure  which  all  war  oc- 
casions, it  can  no  longer  be  made  with  the  ordinary 
revenues  of  states;  these  are  mortgaged  for  the  regu- 
lar expenses  of  administration.  It  would  be  requi- 
site, therefore,  to  have  recourse  to  loans;  means  ruin- 
ous  in  tli^mselves,  and  never  so  little  at  disposal  as 
when  most  wanted :  for  credit  is  no  friend  to  war, 
and  does  not  easily  consent  to  become  the  author  of 
that,  which  is  calculated  to  destroy  itself.  The  cre- 
dit of  states  has  been  established  by  the  two  things 
which  seem  the  best  adapted  to  prevent  its  birth, 
dilapidations,  and  wars;  the  fable  of  Saturn  has  been 
realized  by  this  singular  procreation. 

Governments  would  therefore  be  reduced  to  the 
necessity  of  making  war  by  the  ways  of  extortion, 
requisition,  and  seizure:  as  was  the  case  in  France 


183 

i\tter  the  fall  of  the  assignats  and  mamlats^  as  all 
nations  make  it  who  have  only  real  Ihiances,  and  are 
ignorant  of  artificial  finance;  as  the  Turks,  and  the 
Spaniards.  They  would  be  compelled  to  seize 
things,  as  they  were  of  late  ye^irs  to  seize  bodies,  to 
supply  the  expense  of  the  loss  of  men,  and  give  them 
substitutes.  The  more  destructive  the  nature  of  the 
war,  the  more  necessary  it  became  to  squeeze  the 
human  species,  to  make  it  yield  a  quality  equal  to 
that  of  the  troops  destroyed.  All  states,  therefore, 
equally  need  a  long  repose,  to  repair  the  losses  of 
blood  they  have  sustained,  that  it  may  return  with 
abundance  into  the  canals  which  it  formerly  filled; 
else,  like  bodies  deprived  of  their  ordinary  refection, 
they  must  sink  into  marasmus,  and  languor.  This 
subject  is  too  important,  too  capital,  to  be  refused 
all  the  developements  it  presents. 

England  supports  the  weight  of  a  debt  of  twenty 
thousand  millions.*  In  the  conflict  of  the  wants  of 
states,  against  their  resources,  England  is  still  the 
champion  who  supports  the  burden  the  least  awk- 
wardly, and  promises  to  sink  the  latest.  But  mean- 
while, this  debt  is  such  that  it  excludes  all  idea  of 
mortgage,  as  of  purchase;  it  has  no  vendible,  or  ac- 
quirable value;  it  has  no  point  of  comparison  in  his- 
tory; it  is  the  fable  of  the  public  debts! 

The  tributes  of  the  world  must  be  appropriated 
for  its  liquidation;  it  demands  that  from  Canada  to 
Calcutta,  Europe,  India,  Asia,  Africa,  the  globe  in 
fine,  should  be  submitted  to  the  press,  to  yield  the 
juices  which  feed,  and  fatten  this  blood-sucker  of  the 
universe.     In  every  place,  in  every  country,  in  every 

"  OffrJtncs. 


184 

climate,  they  toil,  they  traffic,  they  sweat,  to  bustaui 
the  honour,  that  is,  the  credit  of  the  ti'easury  of  Lon- 
don. Six  hundred  and  fifty  millions,  of  annual  in- 
terest, must  be  deducted  before  the  nation  has  a  right 
to  touch  the  fruits  of  its  soil,  or  can  proceed  to  defray 
its  current  expenses.  The  creditors  of  the  state  are 
served  before  the  state  itself,  before  the  producer; 
peace  suffers  all  the  effects  of  war,  and  a  general 
ruin,  a  perpetual  constraint  prevails  every  where,  not 
to  lose  the  privilege — of  plunging  deeper  in  debt. 
Severe  privations  must  be  endured,  not  to  disgust 
new  swarms  of  devourers;  and  to  keep  some  mem 
bers  in  reserve,  whose  apparent  succulency  may 
favour  new  calculations,  and  satiate  new  hunger! 
Such  is  the  whole  secret  of  the  art  of  public  credit; 
to  be  faithful  with  a  view  to  future  necessity;  to  raise 
altars  to  the  fear  of  want,  served  by  the  priests  of 
lidelity.  This  management  forces  England  every 
year  towards  the  abyss,  of  a  new  loan :  to  obtain  the 
means  of  paying  at  the  same  time  the  interest  of  her 
debt,  and  all  her  ministerial  departments :  objects  her 
ordinary  revenue  cannot  completely  effect.  This 
conduct  is  not  unlike  that  of  the  hopeful  economist, 
^vho  adds  every  year  to  his  debt,  to  discharge  the 
interest  of  his  borrowings,  and  his  family  expenses ! 

The  English  debt  anmially  absorbs  three  fifths  of  the 
revenue  of  Great  Britain. 

France  is  indebted  three  thousand  millions,  or  there 
about;*  the  annual  interest  of  which,  costs  her  two 
hundred  millions;  this  single  article  consumes  a  tliird 
of  her  revenue;  and  if  we  include  annuities  and  pen- 

*  Of  francff. 


185 

sions,  half  of  her  revenue  is  found  to  be  thus  appro- 
priated. 

Prussia  is  a  borrower;  this  state  is  poor,  and  her 
new  formation  empoverishes  her  in  many  respects; 
for  it  compels  her  to  keep  on  foot  a  strong  army,  and 
to  incur  heavy  expenses  in  acquiring  the  points  of 
support  she  needs.  Prussia  has  much  to  do,  in 
order  to  establish  herself  firmly  in  her  new  position, 
and  in  front  of  her  new  neighbours;  Russia  andT 
France.  Her  finances  will  long  remain,  therefore, 
in  a  very  straitened  condition;  she  would  not  be 
able  to  sustain  war  by  her  own  means.  Prussia  will 
feel,  still  more  than  she  has  ever,  the  need  of  subsi- 
dies ;  She  could  only  receive  them  from  France  or 
England,  and,  in  abundance,  from  tlie  latter  only.  It 
will  be  long  before  Prussia  will  see  the  treasures  of 
Frederic  again;  these  transient  treasures,  painfully 
amassed  by  forecast; — and  wantonly  squandered  by 
prodigality :  which  encourage  ambition,  wild  projects, 
false  confidence;  and  leave  a  frightful  void  in  the 
hand  which  lets  them  escape,  with  sterility  in  the 
very  places  they  would  have  fertilized;  if  a  better  di- 
rection  had  applied  them  where  they  would  ha\  e  be- 
come imperishable  sources  of  new  riches.  Thus  it 
happened  with  the  treasures  of  Henry  IV.  those  of 
Frederic,  and  of  Napoleon.  The  first,  melted  in  the 
hands  of  prodigal  courtiers;  Sully  expired  of  grief  at 
seeing  consumed,  with  such  facility,  the  fruits  which 
his  frugal  hands  had  gathered;  ministers  lavished 
with  smiles  on  worthless,  and  insatiable  favourites, 
what  the  minister  with  ^ace  of  denial*  had  rescued 
from  the  avidity  of  mistresses.     All  this  gold  amass- 

•  .Iv  front  vegatlf;  name  given  to  Snilv. 


186 

ed  in  the  coffers  of  princes,  though,  it  come  there  by 
torrents,  is  wasted  by  imperceptible  means,  without 
utility  for  the  state,  or  the  prince,  unable  to  retain  it. 
It  has  contributed  to  mad  enterprises,  and  senseless 
expenses:  it  has  inspired  presumption;  a  taste  for 
profusion;  and  shortly,  nothing  has  remained  but  the 
fatal  traces  of  its  passage;  whereas  had  it  been  spread 
over  the  fields,  and  the  manufactories,  it  would  have 
produced  an  imperishable,  and  ever  increasing  opu- 
lence. From  what  have  the  millions  accumulated  in 
the  vaults  of  Potsdam,  or  the  Thuilleries,  defended 
the  successors  of  Frederic,  or  the  sceptre  of  Napoleon? 
They  have  all  equally  vanished;  ruining  their  mas- 
ters, dazzled  by  the  splendour  of  this  false  wealth,- 
and  tempted  to  engage  in  adventurous  projects,  by 
the  aspect  of  means  at  their  disposal,  presenting  fa- 
cility of  execution. 

Austria  has  nothing  abundant,  and  regular,  in  her 
finances,  but  disorder,  and  embarrassment :  She  sus- 
tains herself  in  the  midst  of  this  chaos;  but  she  must 
plunge  in  it,  without  ulterior  hope  of  rising,  if  to  these 
causes  of  penury  she  should  superadd  those  which 
are  inseparable  from  war :  For  the  high  price  of  the 
objects  which  constitute  the  aliment  of  war,  renders 
it  very  costly ;  their  value  becomes  enhanced  to  such 
degrees  as,  without  great  efforts,  cannot  be  attained 
by  the  actors  in  these  bloody  scenes.  And,  the 
more  to  condemn  war  at  the  tribunal  of  humanity,  it 
is  found  that  the  cheapest  part  of  it — is  always  human, 
blood!  Doubtless  we  ought  to  bless  a  penury 
which  produces  a  fruit  so  inestimable,  as  the  mainte- 
nance of  peace.  It  compels  governments  not  to  de- 
viate from  the  ways  of  peace,  into  which  they  have  en- 


187 

ftvtd.  Thus  it  may  be  conjectured  with  confidenccj 
that,  for  a  long  space  of  time,  the  European  powers  will 
be  weaned  from  all  propensity  to  war,  by  the  difficul- 
ty itself  of  making  it.  The  proof  of  this  assertion  is 
seen  at  the  present  moment.  The  conclusion  of  the 
war  has  compelled  each  to  cast  up,  and  adjust  his  ac- 
counts. The  burden  which  France  must  take  on 
herself  is  well  knoun.  Her  debt  in  the  space  of 
five  years,  has  mounted  from  a  sum  of  eighty-four 
millions  of  perpetual  rents,  to  that  of  two  hundred 
millions :  to  which,  if  we  add  annuities,  pensions,  and 
appointments  of  retreat,  for  services  ancient,  or  mo- 
dem, real,  or  supposed,  this  expense  exceeds  three 
hundred  millions  annually;  or  two-fifths  of  the  re- 
venue of  France.  Russia  has  lately  been  forced  to 
Hegotiate  a  very  considerable,  and  extremely  bur- 
densome loan.  Prussia  has  not  been  able  to  avoid 
the  same  shoal.  The  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  has 
experienced  a  similar  necessity :  this  country  is  also 
loaded  with  a  considerable  debt.  Thus  all  the  go- 
vernments of  Europe  have  been  seen,  at  the  same 
time,  exposing  their  ulcers  upon  every  public 
place;  there  suing  with  importunity  for  the  last  dol- 
lar: alluring  gamblers  by  the  bait  of  exorbitant  in- 
t«rest;  and  out-bidding  each  other  to  attract  all  that 
part  of  the  precious  metals,  which  throughout  the 
continent,  discovers  a  tendency  to  seek  either  a  safer, 
or  more  lucrative  place  of  deposit.  In  the  midst  of 
peace  this  spectacle  of  general  distress  is  exhibited^ 
what  shall  we  behold,  should  war  arrive,  and  scatter 
its  cries  of  alarm  in  the  midst  of  all  these  necessities? 
The  personal  dispositions  of  sovereigns  to  main- 
tain a  constant  peace,  have  been  proclaimed  in  the 


188 

most  solemn  manner;  these  dispositions  are  of  a  na-^ 
ture  to  preserve  the  system  established;  that  is,  to 
continue  peace. 

The  concord  of  opinions  and  of  intentions,  on  the 
part  of  the  most  powerful  princes,  excludes  all  possi- 
bility of  tumult  on  the  part  of  others.  For  what  other 
powers  would  possess  the  weight  requisite  to  shake 
this  determination,  and  to  change  its  direction?  Since 
Europe  was  destined  to  submit  to  a  sort  of  tutelage 
on  the  part  of  the  great  powers,  it  is  consoling  that 
the  tendency  of  the  present  should  be  altogether  paci- 
fic, and  that  its  continuance  should  depend  on  the 
preservation  of  that  which  is;  not  as  the  means  of  the 
greatest  good,  in  the  abstract;  for  it  cannot  be  dis- 
guised that  the  whole  of  this  system  is  not  good;  but 
only  as  the  means  of  repose,  and  stability  in  the  allot- 
ted system.  Europe  no  longer  discusses  upon  what 
she  has  done,  nor  upon  what  she  ought  still  to  do; 
but,  taking  things-  as  she  finds  them,  she  assigns  this 
system  as  her  point  of  departure,  and  regular  state; 
for  the  preservation  of  which  she  purposes  to  employ 
all  her  efforts.  Such  is  the  statu  quo  for  which  she 
has  declared  hei;  devoted  affection.  Thus,  nearly,  was 
the  procedure  after  the  peace  of  Westphalia.  If 
many  wars  nevertheless  followed  it,  the  reason  is,  that 
Europe  of  that  day,  bore  no  resemblance  to  Europe 
of  the  present.  The  powers  who  then  occupied  most 
room,  and  figured  most,  appear  not  among  the  archi- 
tects of  the  new  system;  Sweden,  and  Spain,  rank  in 
the  third  class  of  the  powers  of  the  day;  they  shone 
in  the  first  at  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  Westphalia. 
England  made  not  her  appearance  there;  fully  occu- 
]:)ied  by  the  storms  which,  for  half  a  century,  con- 


189 

viilsed  her  interior,  she  was  eclipsed,  as  it  were, 
to  the  eyes  of  the  continent;  at  present,  she  shares 
in  its  empire.  Prussia  of  that  day  resembled  Wur- 
temburgh  of  the  present;  Russia  had  still  to  wait 
a  half  century,  to  introduce  into  Europe  her  for- 
midable name;  this  name  of  its  new  master.  Po- 
land then  defended  the  approaches  of  Europe  against 
the  Turks,  and  against  the  descendants  of  the  Scy- 
thians; it  is  now  on  her  frontier  that  Russia  has 
placed  her  foot,  to  spring  upon  Europe;  France  was 
the  soul,  as  it  were,  of  the  great  transactions  conclu- 
ded at  Munster;  novv^  she  has  been  the  object,  and 
no  longer  the  regulator,  of  the  measures  ordained  by 
others;  then  she  exercised  a  splendid  protectorate  in 
Germany;  at  present  she  is  the  object  of  her  umbrage 
and  exclusions.  But  more,  the  arranf2:ement  cement- 
ed  so  painfully  at  Munster  was  only  partial;  it  had 
reference  only  to  a  part  of  Europe;  at  present  it  is  the 
very  body  of  Europe  which  decrees  for  itself;  and 
receives  a  political  charter  from  the  hands  of  the 
principal  powers.  The  habitual  interviews  between 
the  great  sovereigns  have  co-operated  to  confirm  this 
establishment,  more  effectually  than  the  ordinary  rela- 
tions between  their  ministers  could  have  accom- 
plished. 

The  good  fortune  of  Europe  has  given  the  most 
distinsruished  of  these  sovereisrus  a  character  which 
unites,  in  a  high  degree,  the  principles  of  modern 
civilization,  with  a  personal  elevation  of  sentiments 
corresponding  to  his  rank.  A  distii\ct  part  in  history 
seems  reserved  for  the  emperor  Alexander,  the  second 
founder  of  the  Russian  empire,  by  the  completion  and 
consolidation  of  its  limits;  he  has  now  only  to  embel- 

D  d 


190 

lish  the  interior  of  the  frame  he  has  traced.  Pelfer 
less  civilized  the  Russians,  than  rescued  them  fron) 
barbarism;  he  compelled  them  to  change  the  manners 
of  the  East,  and  of  Tartary,  for  those  of  the  West, 
and  of  Europe;  he  rather  made  of  them  men  different 
from  what  they  had  been,  than  men  altogether  like 
others.  The  combat  was  then  against  barbarism, 
subsisting  in  all  its  horrors;  it  was  requisite  to  subdue 
it.  This  war  has  been  brought  to  a  successful  con- 
clusion; and  Peter  came  forth  from  the  conflict  victo- 
rious, dragging  Scythia,  chained  as  it  were,  to  his 
triumphal  car;  and,  according  to  the  fine  expression 
of  Frederic,  having  xvrought  upon  his  people,  as  aqua 
foi'tis  acts  upon  iron!  By  this  victory  civilization  has 
been  introduced;  it  only  remains  to  give  it  extension; 
and  to  this  end  the  emperor  Alexander  labours  with  a 
zeal  that  claims  the  gratitude  of  mankind,  as  well  as 
that  of  his  people.  To  measure  the  extent  of  such 
a  benefit,  it  is  necessary  to  consider  what  will  be  the 
effect  upon  the  human  species  of  civilization  propa- 
gated over  vast  countries,  where  it  had  never  yet 
penetrated;  as  well  as  that,  which,  as  a  necessary 
consequence,  will  be  produced  upon  the  universe  by 
the  introduction  of  arts,  of  sciences,  of  industry,  of 
agriculture,  into  the  heart  of  immense  countries,  hi- 
therto unknown  to  the  rest  of  the  world !  It  will  be 
the  same  with  Russia  as  it  has  been  with  America; 
w  ho,  by  the  appearance  of  her  smallest,  and  least  fa- 
voured part,  the  United  States,  has  already  brought  a 
preponderant  weight  into  the  affairs  of  the  universe. 

Russia  must  be  considered  as  a  land  of  discovery;, 
a,s  a  creation  to  be  completed,  whose  perfection  will 
be  felt  every  where.  This  is  sufficiendy  apparent  by 
w  hat  the  mere  outline  has  already  produced.    Scarce- 


191 

iy  has  an  extremity  of  this  empire  entered  upon  civili- 
zation, and  what  commerce;  what  social  relations; 
what  throngs  of  opulent  travellers;  what  a  new  world, 
in  policy,  in  commerce,  in  industry !  See  cities  rise 
in  the  midst  of  savage  regions!  The  most  exquisite 
art  has  presided  at  their  construction ;  they  put  the 
ancient  cities  to  shame !  population  springs  as  from 
under  the  earth;  all  becomes  animated;  all  things 
kindle  into  life !  The  child  is  initiated  in  arts,  into 
sciences,  whose  existence  was  never  even  suspected 
by  his  father:  improvement  is  propagated,  is  confirm- 
ed, and  behold  a  country,  entirely  new,  connected  in 
all  its  parts  with  the  rest  of  the  world,  which  it  comes 
to  enrich,  and  astonish  with  its  new  life!  The  work 
is  to  be  extended  over  immense  spaces,  and  will  re- 
quire time  for  its  entire  accomplishment:  but  it  tends 
every  day  towards  the  object;  and  urged  with  more 
activity,  perseverance,  and  means,  than  hitherto  has 
been  possible,  or  perhaps  customary,-  it  will  amve  at 
its  perfection,  with  the  aid  of  the  great  master,  Time. 
This  leads  to  remarkint^  the  dillerence  between  the 
sovereigns  of  modern  times,  and  those  of  the  remoter 
epochs  of  history :  some  few  among  them  ha\'e  de- 
served to  see  their  names  decorated  by  the  most  glo- 
rious titles,  since  they  attest  the  gratitude  of  the  human 
race.  But  how  few  are  found,  even  among  these, 
who  have  laboured  to  civilize  the  people  they  go^'em' 
ed !  I  see  it  is  true,  the  Roman  emperors  extend  the 
power  of  their  arms  over  Germany,  Sarmatia,  Britain, 
Armenia,  in  fine,  over  all  the  parts  of  Africa,  and  of 
Asia,  they  were  able  to  approach;  but  I  do  not  see  any 
of  them  employ  themselves  in  the  moral  impro\'e- 
ment  of  the  people  they  have  subdued.     The  Syba- 


1&2 

rites  of  Rome  go  to  reign,  indeed,  over  all  the  barbari- 
ans of  the  world;  with  great  dexterity  they  render  them 
subservient  to  the  gratification  of  their  o\vn  pride,  or 
cupidity;  but  they  contribute  nothing  to  the  education 
of  these  savage  tribes ;  they  become  enriched  with 
their  effects:  but  they  enrich  not  them,  in  return,  with 
better  manners;  with  a  better  administrative,  or  intel- 
lectual direction.  A  few  traits  of  good  nature;  a  few 
of  those  expressions  which  discover  a  heart,  whose 
luxury  is  benevolence,  obtain  for  Titus  the  most  flat- 
tering title  man  can  receive;  the  delight  of  the  human 
race.  He  ou  ed  it,  in  great  part,  to  the  weariness 
produced  by  the  crimes  of  his  predecessors:  he  gleam 
ed  a  star  of  beneficence  in  that  deep  night  of  atroci- 
ties, \A'hich  from  the  time  of  Tiberius  had  enveloped 
Rome:  the  Romans  astonished  to  find  a  man  in  their 
master,  set  no  bounds  to  their  grateful  admiration! 
But  it  is  not  seen  that  he  made  any  effort  to  purify 
manners,  to  found  institutions,  to  diffuse  over  the 
surface  of  the  empire  germes  fitted  to  drain  the  source 
of  the  calamities,  whose  ravages  he  arrested  Such  is 
the  difference  of  our  epoch  from  those  which  have 
preceded;  a  difference  which  proceeds  from  the  four 
great  elements  of  modern  civilization,  unknown  to 
the  ancient;  the  press,  the  great  maritime  commerce, 
the  reciprocal  intercourse  of  nations,  and  that  which 
will  prove  more,  even  more  powerful  than  all  these, 
the  formation  of  representative  governments. 

But  there  are  besides  some  singular  circumstances 
which  furnish,  as  it  were,  happy  corollaries  to  the 
pacific  tendency  of  the  new  system  of  Europe. 

There  prevails  among  the  pacificating  sovereigns 
a  doiible  conformity  of  age,  and  of  past  fortunes; 


i 


193 

three  of  them  are  still  in  the  middle  of  their  career. 
The  long  days  which  heaven,  no  doubt,  has  reserv- 
ed  them,  and  which  every  consideration  invites  us  to 
wish  them,  will  contribute  to  the  confirmation  of  their 
work.  The  workman  who  has  conceived  and  exe- 
cuted, is  better  qualified  to  preserve,  than  he  who  only 
receives  a  thing  ready  made.  The  first  is  attached 
to  his  work  bv  a  s:reater  number  of  motives.  Be- 
sides,  the  frequent  interviews  which  hfive  taken  place 
within  the  last  five  years  between  these  princes,  will 
likewise  tend  to  the  maintenance  of  their  work.  The 
more  glorious,  and  painful  it  has  been,  the  more  will 
it  be  the  object  of  their  care ;  and  their  forces  in  their 
extent,  as  in  their  duration,  will  be  employed  to  sustain 
it. 

It  is  also  quite  remarkable  that  among  these  princes 
there  are  four,  who,  by  a  sudden  return  of  fortune, 
have  recovered  the  power  which  had  escaped  from 
their  hands,  or  which  they  had  reason  to  fear  would 
be  very  greatly  diminished.  Omitting  what  has  oc- 
curred in  France,  have  we  not  seen  the  occupation  of 
the  capitals  of  Russia,  of  Prussia,  and  of  Austria  ? 
Have  we  not  heard  the  echos  of  the  sinister  words; 
such  a  house  has  ceased  to  reign?  In  more  places 
than  one  was  there  not  good  reason  to  fear  possessing 
nothing,  but  what  it  might  please  the  generosity  of 
the  conqueror  to  leave,  or  suit  his  convenience  to  re- 
store? 

England  herself,  though  protected  by  the  elements, 
has  not  felt  herself  always  in  safety  behind  this  bar- 
rier; for  her  enemies  sallied  from  her  own  bosom; 
and,  for  a  moment,  her  floating  ramparts  were  seen 
preparing  to  unite  with  her  adversaries.     What  les- 


194 

^ons  of  moderation  are  inculcated  by  such  great  mis- 
fortunes; and  enforced  by  the  example  of  what  intem- 
perance may  cost  by  seeing  him  fall  its  victim,  who 
in  other  times  had  made  all  bend!  Nothing  has  ever 
passed  before  the  eyes  of  men  more  strongly  charac- 
terized. Men  v/ith  extreme  reluctance,  when  just 
escaped  from  the  tempest,  commit  themselves  again 
to  the  mercy  of  the  storms :  rescued  from  past  disas- 
ters, secure  of  the  present,  the  future  only  is  to  be 
consolidated  by  all  the  temperaments  fitted  to  disperse 
the  clouds,  which  have  obscured  the  course  of  the 
last  six  lustres.  The  example  of  the  principal  sove- 
reigns will  serve  as  a  lesson,  and  a  model  to  others;  and 
their  united  efforts  will  be  seen  directed  to  the  confirma- 
tionof  peace.  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  political 
affairs  will,  for  a  long  time,  be  determined  by  arbitra- 
tions, and  friendly  mediations.  Diplomacy  is  prepar- 
ing to  resume  permanently  its  ancient  routine  of 
negotiation,  and  secresy. 

The  procedure  was  similar  after  the  peace  of  1763; 
for  then  commenced  a  general  state  of  pacification, 
which  continued  for  a  period  of  nearly  thirty  years, 
and  is  the  most  durable  epoch  of  peace  presented  in 
modem  history. 

From  which  time  Europe  threw  aside  her  military 
habits,  and  ceased  to  delight  in  war.  All  affairs  were 
adjusted  by  arbitration  or  interference;  as  was  seen  at 
Teschen,  at  Reichenback,  and  upon  other  occasions. 
It  is,  therefore,  allowable  to  hope,  that  in  future  the 
same  spirit  of  conciliation  will  preside  over  the  coun- 
sels of  Europe,  and  realize  the  consoling  and  solemn 
declarations  they  have  announced  to  its  inhabitants; 
who  embrace  with  joy  the  certainty,  after  so  many 
agitations,  of  being  permitted  at  length  to  respire. 


195 

War  is  for  bodies  politic,  what  ie\er  is  for  animal 
bodies.  Though  it  be  impossible  to  extirpate  all  its 
germes,  to  destroy  all  its  principles;  we  may  at  least 
pre\  ent  the  return  of  its  paroxysms;  diminish  their 
duration,  and  severity,  and  allay  them  by  palliatives, 
judiciously  chosen,  and  skilfully  applied.  A  language 
all  of  peace,  and  of  peace  eternal,  may  shock  the  no- 
ble ardour  of  some  bold  spirits,  and  terrify,  with  the 
prospect  of  long  inactivity,  men  for  whom  repose 
comes  like  a  palsy  in  the  vigour  of  life,  and  con- 
demns them  to  a  calm,  so  opposite  to  the  agitations 
w^hich  constitute  the  food  of  ambition,  and  the  war- 
rior's delight.  But  let  those  who  are  affected  by  this 
decree,  remember  there  is  a  time  for  all  things;  that 
the  epoch  of  rapid  movements  in  the  heart  of  polish- 
ed societies  is  of  limited  duration;  and  that  the  ho- 
nours they  procure  are  acquired  at  a  price  too  high  to 
be  regretted.  These  bloody  lotteries,  where  these 
great  prizes  of  glory  may  still  be  gained,  are  now 
only  drawn  in  America;  and  those  who  are  chained 
by  repose,  find  themselves  between  two  great  princi- 
ples of  consolation,  the  glory  of  their  recollections, 
and  the  barriers  created  by  necessity.  But  what, 
more  than  all,  guaranties  to  the  world  a  long  duration 
of  peace,  is  the  direction  it  has  universally  acquired 
towards  commerce,  and  the  mutual  intercourse  be- 
tween people  and  people.  Peace  is  the  vehicle  of 
these  lucrative,  and  social  commimications;  war  is 
their  enemy;  from  the  moment  of  its  eruption,  all 
ties  are  severed.  Consequently,  war  restricts  the 
generality  of  nations  in  their  dearest  affections,  and 
most  important  interests.  Prior  to  this  epoch,  in 
M'hich  civilization  exercises  so  extensive  an  influence. 


196 

the  same  relations,  and  the  same  interests,  did  not 
exist,  or  were  not  felt;  for,  nations  Hving  in  a  state  of 
reciprocal  insulation,  never  approached  each  other, 
except  to  combat. 

But,  since  the  social  vehicles  have  brought  them 
together,  and  caused  them  to  intermingle,  the  face 
of  things  is  entirely  changed;  and  human  societies 
with  these  new  principles  of  existence,  can  no  longer 
be  directed  as  they  were  when  found  absent  from  the 
midst  of  themselves.  A  proof  of  this  appeared  in 
the  irritation  excited  by  the  proloiigation  of  the  wars 
of  Napoleon.  How  was  he  pursued  by  the  impreca- 
tions of  the  inhabitants  of  Europe;  how  severely  were 
felt  the  privations;  how  were  seized  the  smallest 
glimmerings  of  peace;  how  were  the  regrets  of  all 
renewed,  by  the  delay  of  this  object  of  universal  soli- 
citude. What  a  cry  of  triumph,  and  of  joy  was  heard 
when  the  spring  relaxed,  or  broken,  permitted  men 
too  long  separated,  to  meet  again,  and  embrace.  The 
long  cramp  which  Napoleon  had  caused  Europe  to 
endure,  was  what  most  contributed -to  his  downfall, 
because  it  was  that  which  most  shocked  the  manners 
of  the  age;  and  of  all  the  burdens  that  can  be  impos- 
ed on  men,  the  most  oppressive  is  that  which  clashes 
with  their  civilization.  Napoleon  himself  confessed 
it,  when  too  late;  by  saying,  at  the  moment  of  his* 
fall,  "  I  cannot  re-establish  myself;  I  have  shocked 
the  people  of  Europe;"  a  tardy  admission  for  him, 
but  not  for  those,  who,  having  to  govern  the  same 
people,  are  thus  apprized  of  the  shoal  which  a  man, 
in  other  respects,  of  so  vast  a  genius,  was  unable  to 
shun. 

The  domestic  concerns  of  states  will,  for  a  long 


197 

time,  absorb  the  attention  of  princes;  and  will  turn 
towards  their  interior  the  restless,  or  offensive  glances 
they  have  heretofore  fixed  on  theirneighbonrs;  which 
proxoked  the  stomis  that  have  commonly  ended  in 
v.ars.  When  the  principles  and  routine  of  govern- 
ments were  stationary,  the  attention  of  princes  was 
left  unembaiTasbed;  the  interior  of  their  states  occu- 
pied its  smallest  proportion.  The  heads  of  govern- 
ments were,  regularly,  more  busied  with  .  hat  passed 
among  their  neighbours,  than  at  home;  Lew  is  XiV., 
Lewis  XV.,  Frederic,  Maria  Theresa,  the  Austrian, 
or  French  princes  that  have  reigned  in  Spain,  had 
merely  to  continue  a  movement  already  given,  long- 
established,  and  unresisted;  but,  how  remote  from  us 
are  these  placid  times!  Europe  resembles  a  machine, 
which  having  been  broken,  has  undergone  repairs; 
and  the  workmen  are  attempting  to  set  it  again  in 
motion;  this  is  its  first  trial.  In  one  place  a  sove- 
reignty, which  has  been  effaced,  has  disappeared  for 
a  long  course  of  years,  is  to  be  consolidated;  in  ano- 
ther, an  existence  w  hich  has  experienced  reverses,  or 
interruptions,  is  to  be  confirmed;  elsewhere,  a  new^ 
domination  is  to  be  made  palatable;  ties  must  be 
strengthened  between  the  new  ly  assembled  parts  of  a 
state,  and  their  interests,  jarred  by  an  unexpected 
approach,  are  to  be  reconciled.  In  all  these  cases, 
the  machine  must  be  organized  anew ;  and  the  incon- 
veniences remedied,  Vvhich  its  action  will  always  de- 
tect in  the  construction.  Every  where,  as  we  see, 
there  is  much  to  be  done;  till  each  has  firmly  esta- 
blished himself,  he  must  abandon  all  thoughts  of  at- 
tacking others;  thus  common  embarrassments,  are  the 
source  of  common  security.  As,  therefore,  all  the  go- 

11  e 


198 

vemments  of  Europe  were  more  or  less  involved  in  the 
revolution,  they  still  deeply  feel  its  imperious  effects; 
it  has  subjected  them  to  restraints  from  M-hich,  in 
times  past,  they  were  free.  It  is  one  of  the  conse- 
quences of  these  grand  convulsions,  called  revolu- 
tions, that  they  leave  nothing  in  its  place:  nothings 
far  or  near,  escapes  their  effects.  Such  is  the  actual 
picture  of  Europe.  She  resembles  a  ship  in  which, 
after  a  tempest,  every  one  is  employed  in  searching 
for  his  effects. 

All  the  governments  will  have  the  same  subjects 
of  attention,  and  those  of  too  deep  an  interest  to  leave 
them  much  time  for  the  intrigues,  from  which  politi- 
cal tempests  too  often  proceed.  Thus,  by  a  re-action 
as  unexpected,  as  improbable,  the  longest  peace  ever 
enjoyed  by  Europe  will  owe  its  origin  to  the  most 
extensive,  and  the  most  sanguinary  war  she  ever  ex- 
perienced. The  establishment  of  representative  go- 
A'ernments,  will  prove  another  powerful  agent  of  peace 
between  nations. 

Consider  how  few  real  things  they  have  to  envy 
each  other;  recollect  the  subjects  of  the  wars  whichj 
have  so  cruelly  tormented  them :  in  what  intrio:ues- 
in  what  private  interests,  in  what  vile,  or  false  combi- 
nations have  originated  these  dilapidations  of  the  for- 
tune, these  frightful  libations  of  the  blood,  of  men ! 

Ahr.ost  all  the  wars  of  Europe  have  hitherto  re- 
sembled those  of  which  the  East  is  the  theatre :  wars 
proceeding  from  the  caprice  of  princes,  whose  lives 
resemble  a  uniform  study  of  surprises  against  their 
neighbours,  and  of  aggrandizements  for  themselves. 
Custom  has  rendered  war  the  ordinary  state  of  hu- 
manit}-;  an  occupation  for  princes,  of  pleasure,  or  of 


199 

vanity,  like  the  chase,  and  other  pomps  of  royalty: 
Tempore  quo  solent  regcs  ad  bella  procedere^  saith  the 
scripture.  All  ancient  history  presents  the  same  pic- 
ture; and  such  is  the  uniform  colour  of  modern  his- 
tory, till  the  close  of  the  nineteenth  centur\-;  for  the 
'war  against  Maria  Theresa  of  1740,  that  of  1756, 
that  of  Bavaria,  in  1778;  the  partition  of  Poland,  the 
attack  upon  Turkey,  combined  between  Catharine, 
and  Joseph;  were  so  many  dashing  strokes  copied 
after  the  oriental  manner,  which  can  neither  be  ex- 
cused, nor  even  interpreted,  by  any  rule  of  justice,  or 
of  reason. 

And  wherefore  these  sudden  eruptions  of  ambi- 
tion, this  perpetration  of  projects,  conceived  in  dark- 
ness, and  nursed  in  the  shades  of  mystery  ?  What 
gave  them  birth,  and  facilitated  their  execution,  but 
that  their  deliberation  was  secret;  that  perverse  men, 
in  the  absence  of  all  responsibility,  skreened  from  all 
control,  arranged  at  their  leisure  these  sanguinary 
plans,  and  subscribed  to  these  grand  assassinations  of 
nations,  having  the  temerity  to  smile  upon  their  own 
interests?  The  parliament  of  Paris,  subordinate  to 
the  court  as  it  was,  still  formed  an  obstacle  to  the 
turbulent  fancies  of  ministers;  such  is  the  efficacy  of 
ihe  shadow  even  of  public  discussion!  How  much 
greater,  when  instead  of  magistrates  with  powers 
not  very  exacdy  defined,  unsupported  by  public  opin- 
ion, who  did  not  address  themselves  to  this  authority; 
at  that  time,  not  even  in  being;  how  much  greater 
will  be  the  restraint,  when  governments  shall  have 
always  before  their  eyes  an  authority,  flowing  from 
the  very  bosom  of  the  nation;  from  the  purest  sources 
of  opinion,  thus  become  the  strongest  of  powers?- 


iK)0 

To  obtain  the  means  of  paying  for  war,  it  would  be 
requisite  to  commence  by  saying,  why  it  is  made. 
If  Louvois  waged  war,  to  divert  the  attention  of  his 
master  from  the  embeUishment  of  his  palaces,  to  more 
elevated  objects;    if  the  palatinate  was  devoted  to 
flames;  if,  for  thirty  years,  an  unfortunate  man,  for 
the  tomb  has  closed  over  his  name  and  the  story  of 
his  woes;  if  he  dragged  his  hapless  existence  from 
dungeon  to  dungeon,   without   accusation,    without 
trial,  without   communication  with   human   beings, 
if  a  word  from  his  lips,  plunged  a  dagger  in  his  heart; 
if  he  was  during  all  his  life,  invisible,  and  at  the  same 
time  present  to  the  eyes  of  all;  placed  between  the 
services,  and  the  poniard,  of  the  same  domestic,  nou- 
rished, and  menaced  by  the  same  hand;  if  ail  these 
horrors,  worthy  of  the  palaces  of  the  East,  or  the 
Ivfcrno  of  Dante;  have  existed  in  France  at  the  dis- 
tance from  us,  of  an  age;(fl)  if  500,000  Frenchmen  were 
forced  from  their  natal  soil,  empoverished  of  the  in- 
dustry, and  the  treasures  they  bore  to  its  enemies;  to 
what  must  all  this  be  attributed,  if  not  to  the  absence 
of  the  protecting  institution  which  presides  over  the 
new  destinies  of  France;  and   which  tends   to  be- 
come the  uniform  constitution  of  Europe?  She  will 
find  these  institutions  guarantees  of  peace  far  more 
durable   than   all  the   transactions,  and  associations 
formed  by  diplomatists;  things  by  their  natiu'e  vari- 
able as  the  thoughts,  or  the  interests  of  their  authors. 
But    institutions   have  duration  for  their  effect,  as 
they  have  light  for  their  principle.     An  unexampled 
concurrence  of  circumstances,  which  merit  the  appel- 
lation of  imperious,  impose,  tlierefore,  on  the  world 
the    salutary  law  of  a  solid    and  durable   peace. 


201 

Princes  and  people,  men  and  things;  all  tends  to  it; 
all  contributes  to  it :  all  invites  to  it :  all  guarantees  it : 
none  has  the  po\rer  to  disturb  it:  and  the  affairs 
which  present  themselves  in  the  distance,  are  not  of 
a  nature  to  restrict  the  enjoyment  of  this  good,  so 
ardently  desired,  and  so  inestimable  to  preserve. 

Note  [a.) 

Within  a  few  years,  as  a  late  French  writer  re- 
marks, the  reign  of  Lewis  XIV.  has  been  the  sub- 
ject of  much  attention  in  France.     The  epoch  of  its 
history  is  referred  to  by  the  writers  who  defend  the 
dogmas  of  absolute  power  with  singular  delight:  it 
is  the  ground  on  which  they  most  willingly  meet  the 
advocates  of  popular   doctrines.     The  latter,  after 
examining  the  field  on  which  they  are  challanged  to 
combat,  find  no  reason  to  shrink  from  the  contest. 
The   hope    of  triumph   must  animate   their  efforts, 
while  the  happiness  of  nations,  is  deemed  preferable 
to  the  dazzling  illusions  of  military  glory;  and  while 
the  interests  of  humanity,  are  in  higher  esteem  than 
the  brilliant  creations  of  imagination.     At  our  dis- 
tance from  the  age  of  Lewis  XIV.  it  is  not  easy  to 
guard  our  thoughts  from  a  sudden  surprise  of  ad- 
miration.    At  this  period,  we  see  only  the  splendour 
of  its  monuments,  and  the  master  pieces  of  its  genius. 
The  groans  of  the  victims  of  ambition,  interrupt  not 
the  silence  of  ages;  the  tears  of  the  oppressed  water 
the  earth,  without  leaving  traces;  and  blood  unjustly 
shed,  disturbs  not  the  quiet  of  the  tombs!    Even  his- 
tory learns  to  flatter  the  power  which  is  past :   all 
speaks  aloud  of  the  grandeur  of  princes;  while  of  the 
miseries  of  their  people,  all  is  silent. 


202 

Consider  Lewis  XIV.  in  the  midst  of  his  court, 
nothing  can  be  more  magnificent  than  the  spectacle; 
surrounded  by  the  prodigies  of  art,  all  talents  con- 
spiring to  his  glory,  he  is  present  at  his  own  apotheo- 
sis. Like  a  deity  whose  volitions  are  laws,  nature 
bows  before  him;  forests  disappear  at  his  nod,  moun- 
tains are  levelled,  waters  are  elevated;  the  seas  ap- 
proach, and  unite;  the  world  is  filled  with  his  renown. 
But  leave  not  this  court  so  brilliant,  and  so  polished; 
trust  not  your  eyes  beyond  these  sumptuous  palaces, 
these  marbles  animated  by  a  creative  chisel,  these 
breathing  bronzes,  the  faithful  image  of  courtiers. 
Enter  not  the  straw-roofed  cottages;  for  there  dwells 
nought  but  servitude,  and  despair !  The  walls  of  these 
palaces  have  been  cemented,  by  the  tears  of  a  people; 
this  groupe  of  bronze  has  devoured,  the  subsistence 
of  an  hundred  families;  to  excavate  these  canals,  and 
to  suspend  these  aqueducts,  whole  provinces  have 
been  ruined !  The  monarch  himself,  amidst  these  de- 
ceptive prosperities,  is  the  victim  of  chagrin.  For- 
tune soon  teaches  him  that  he  is  separated  from  hu- 
man destinies,  by  one  of  those  fictions  only,  which 
evince  the  infirmity  of  our  intelligence;  he  dies,  and 
the  public  joy  insults,  and  disturbs  his  obsequies! 
Such,  in  a  few  words,  is  the  history  of  the  most 
brilliant  reign  of  absolute  sovereignty!  In  some  of  the 
biographical  romances  of  Madame  de  Genlis,  much 
read  in  this  country,  and,  in  the  age  of  Lewis  XIV., 
by  Voltaire,  the  dazzling  parts  of  this  reign  only  are 
presented;  the  foregoing  portrait  is  a  less  flattered 
likeness. 


.203 


CHAPTER  VII. 

General ^iffa'ws  to  come. 

FroxM  the  orderly  state  in  which  the  affairs  of  Eu- 
rope are  found,  there  is  nothing  perceptible  in  her 
bosom  of  a  nature  to  disturb  the  peace  she  enjoys. 

To  find  her  a  subject  of  general  occupation,  we 
must  quit  her  sphere,  and  turn  our  eyes  towards  Ame- 
rica. This  country  is  shared  in  a  singular  mode; 
peopled  by  Europeans,  one  part  has  escaped  from 
their  domination;  the  other  is  struggling  to  withdraw 
from  it.  The  part  enfranchised  has  become  strong, 
powerful,  rich;  it  takes  an  active  part  in  the  affairs  of 
die  world,  and  participates  in  all  its  profits  by  an  ever- 
increasing  activity  of  commerce.  Its  example  is  be- 
fore the  eyes  of  the  parts  of  America  still  subject  to 
the  bonds  of  Europe.  There  rises,  beyond  the  seas, 
as  did  Carthage  opposite  to  Rome,  a  power  which 
tends  to  form  an  American  system;  exclusive  of  all 
European  influence.  This  system  is  evidently  that 
of  the  United  States.  It  cannot  fail  to  become  that 
also  of  all  the  states,  which  strive  to  form  themselves 
throughout  the  extent  of  this  country.  This  plan 
leads  America  to  two  things. 

1.  To  abstain  from  all  participation  in  the  affairs 
of  Europe. 


204 

2.  To  prohibit  Europe  all  participation  in  the  af- 
fairs of  America. 

This  is  a  primary,  elementary  datum,  destined  to 
form  the  basis  of  American  policy,  and  to  keep  it  se- 
parate from  that  of  Europe.  It  consists  in  recipro- 
city of  independence;  and  merely  signifies  the  inten- 
tion to  abstain,  that  others  may  abstain;  to  respect,  in 
order  to  be  respected  in  return. 

This  species  of  independence  is  the  completion  of 
that  already  enjoyed  by  the  United  States  of  Ame- 
rica. 

Surely  this  march  will  not  escape  Europe,  nor  de- 
ceive her  sagacity.  An  occasion  has  recently  oc- 
curred which  places  this  disposition  in  a  strong  light. 
Events  have  introduced  what  it  was  natural  to  fore- 
see. 

The  Floridas,  locked  in  betw' een  Louisiana,  and  the 
original  possessions  of  the  United  States,  have  been, 
as  it  were,  abnndoned  to  the  latter,  by  one  of  those 
chances  which  have  so  much  influence  upon  human 
aifairs.  The  possession  of  this  country  completes 
for  the  United  States,  that  of  all  the  sea-coast  which 
reigns  over  the  immense  extent,  comprised  between 
Mexico,  and  Acadia,  the  two  extremities  of  the  Ame- 
rican possessions;  but,  besides,  it  gives  them  the  ex- 
clusive control  of  the  bay  of  Mexico;  in  which  the 
United  States  will  find  establishments,  and  stations 
for  their  marine  of  the  highest  importance.  But, 
greatly  as  this  acquisition  favours  the  American  navi- 
gation, it  is  equally  inconvenient  for  that  of  England; 
tlie  course  of  which  is  from  the  north,  to  the  south  of 
America,  and  towards  the  West  Indies;  -which  form, 
as  it  were,  its  centre.    England  has  large  possessions 


205 

in  the  M^est  Indies,  in  Canada,  in  Newfoundland. 
All  these  points  must  correspond  tof^ether;  she  lias, 
besides,  established  great  communications  with  the 
Spanish  main,  opened  by  the  revolution  to  all  flags. 
It  is,  therefore,  for  her  interest  that  the  bay  of  Mexico, 
and  the  Floridas,  should  not  be  in  the  power  of  the 
United  States;  wlio  will  find  in  them  such  command- 
ing points,  as  slie  herself  occupies  in  so  many  places. 
England  is  well  pleased  to  possess  points  of  this  na- 
ture, but  she  does  not  care  to  find  the  like  in  the 
power  of  others.  In  the  aftair  of  the  Floridas,  the 
United  States  Iiave  intimated  their  intention  to  de- 
cline all  mediation,  and  all  interference  of  Europe,  in 
their  diflerences  with  Spain.  It  is  e\ident  that  this 
aversion  from  all  pai'ticipation  with  the  European  po- 
licy, is  an  aixiom  of  conduct  for  tlie  United  States,  and 
is  destined  to  become  that  of  all  America.  The  en- 
franchisement of  the  latter,  approaches  every  day 
nearer  to  its  accomplishment;  and  the  state  of  de- 
bility into  vvhich  Spain  lias  relapsed,  removes  all  doubt 
as  to  the  issue  of  this  event.  Spain,  conscious  of  her 
inability  to  realize,  unassisted,  her  projects  against 
America,  knocks  at  the  gates  of  all  courts,  to  implore 
a  helpful  interposition.  She  colours  her  demands 
with  the  most  specious  pretexts  she  can  imagine;  dis 
guising  the  enormity  of  her  faults,  the  abyss  of  her 
calamities,  the  horror  inspired  by  her  transactions, 
and  her  opposition  to  the  general  spirit  of  Europe;  she 
pursues  with  importunities  whatever  has  power  in 
Europe.  However  inconsiderable  the  interest  she 
had  hitherto  inspired,  she  has  succeeded  to  extinguish 
it  completely  by  her  late  ministerial  revolution;  which 
has  removed  men  that  may  be  considered  as  her 

Ff 


206 

planks  of  safety;  if  she  might  still  hope  for  safety. 
Behold  her  again  plunged  in  the  route  of  perdition, 
into  which  she  is  hurried  by  the  prejudices,  and  the 
interests  of  certain  classes,  who,  there  as  elsewhere, 
conceive  that  all  should  be  governed  either  by  them, 
or  for  them. 

All  sort  of  consideration  and  of  credit,  has  abandon- 
ed this  power  at  her  utmost  need;  reduced  to  her  in- 
dividual resources;  impotent  to  pursue  the  contest;  in- 
capable of  embracing  the  only  resolution  which  reason 
indicates,  that  of  acknow"ledging  a  system  she  can  no 
longer  prevent;  Spain  has  become  a  source  of  per- 
plexity, and  of  impoverishment  for  the  rest  of  Europe. 
The  latter  cannot  dispense  with  America;  and  Ame- 
rica is  disturbed  by  the  prolongation  of  a  war, 
which  holds  a  part  of  the  world  in  an  equivocal  state. 
America  may  be  driven  by  this  series  of  attacks  to 
the  adoption  of  resolutions,  whose  repercussion  Eu- 
rope will  feel.  It  may  be  supposed  that  America, 
bursting,  in  the  violence  of  her  resentment,  the  ties  of 
ordinarv  intercourse  between  nations,  will  interdict 
these  relations  at  once  to  her  enemies,  and  her  gain- 
saj'ers;  and  only  remain  open  to  those  w  ho  shall  have 
favoured  her.  What  an  immense  advantage  for  the 
latter;  the  English,  for  example,  who  not  feeling 
bound  by  the  forms,  and  regularity  of  proceedings 
which  shackle  the  French,  take  a  much  greater  part 
in  the  affairs  of  America,  than  a  severe  delicacy,  and 
a  greater  reserve,  have  permitted  to  the  latter.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  continuance  of  the  war  between 
Spain  and  her  colonies,  occasions  a  scarcity  of  specie 
in  Europe;  the  inevitable  and  foreseen  effect  of  this 
war!     A  cry  of  distress  is  heard  fronx  one  extremity 


207 

of  Europe,  to  the  other.  At  the  moment  the  events 
of  late  years  have  increased  the  wants,  the  resources 
are  incessantly  diminishing :  the  European  commerce 
is  extended,  and  the  means  of  liquidating  its  defini- 
tive balance  are  shortened:  the  war  of  America  arrests 
the  working,  and  the  transportation  of  the  metals.  They 
dare  not  adventure  upon  seas  swarming  Avith  insatiable 
enemies :  it  is  calc^ilated  that  half  the  Spanish  mer- 
chant vessels,  going  from  America  to  Spain,  become 
prizes  to  the  independent  cruisers.  Europe  is  de- 
prived, therefore,  of  all  taken  by  them,  as  well  as  all 
they  prevent  to  arrive.  Accordingly,  a  general  stran- 
gury in  affairs  prevails!  Spain  pays  for  war  twice:  first 
for  her  own,  that  which  she  wages :  and  also  for  that 
which  is  made'against  her:  for  with  what  her  enemies 
take  from  her,  they  combat  her:  this  state  is  ruinous  for 
her,  and  irksome  to  the  rest  of  Europe.  Europe  suf- 
fers, because  Spain  can  neither  release  nor  retain  her 
colonies;  can  neither  detach  herself  from  the  past,  nor 
bring  herself  to  a  level  with  the  present.  Herein  is 
found  the  real  source  of  the  penury,  which  is  felt 
every  where.  It  will  terminate,  the  day  in  which  the 
affairs  of  America  shall  be  arranged  as  they  ought. 
It  is  probable,  that  as  the  evil  increases,  Europe  will 
be  finally  induced  to  take  up  this  important  sub- 
ject; she  will  not  always  be  free  to  turn  it  aside. 
Each  day  may  cause  her  to  see,  more  clearly,  the  ne- 
cessity of  taking  it  into  consideration.  She  w^ould  have 
done  this  at  an  earlier  period,  under  greater  advantages; 
and  when  she  shall  find  herself  in  sight  of  a  throng  of 
repubhcs,  she  will  perhaps  regret  having  delayed  to 
oppose  their  establishment:  they  Vvill  form  a  singular 
contrast,  with  the  mode  of  government  most  fashiona- 
ble in  Europe ! 


208 

There  exists  in  a  very  diiFerent  order,  and  as  it 
were,  in  another  sphere,  an  interest  highly  deserving 
of  the  most  serious  attention.     It  arises  from  the  rela- 
tions which  the  greater  part  of  the  European  nations 
are  obliged  to  cultivate  with  Rome.     The  latter  is, 
perhaps  without  suspecting  it,  in  the  midst  of  a  revo- 
lution enveloping  her  on  all  sides;   she  knows  not  its 
principle;  she  suspects  not  its  consequences;  she  pur- 
sues the  routes  traced  by  habit,  in  which  time  has, 
as  it  were,  settled  her.     Meanwhile  she  must  nego- 
tiate with  all  the  courts,  a  great  part  of  whom  she  has 
not  known  long,  and  who  feel  no  very  intense  interest 
in  her  old  rubrics.     The  subject  is  of  vast,  and  pri- 
mar}-  importance  to  societies:   it  concerns  religion. 
Rome,  by  pursuing  her  habitual  march,  without  regard 
for  the  spirit  of  the  times,  has  brought  religion  to  the 
verge  of  ruin,   1,  by  the  extinction  of  episcopacy; 
2,  by  the  contempt,  and  irritation,  which  have  been 
generally  produced,  at  seeing  the  interests  of  religion, 
sacrificed  to  the  rules  of  the  Roman  chancery.     Men 
guided  by  reason,  and  animated  by  truly  religious 
sentiments,  cannot  be  reconciled  to  an  order  of  things 
equally  at  variance  with  both.     How  can  religious, 
and  enli9"htened  minds  be  brousrht  to  believe,  that 
religion  must  perish,  waiting  for  the  conclusion  of 
treaties,  for  its  better  support;  or  that  these  ti'eaties 
ought  to  be  such  as  to  constitute,  states  in  permanent 
danger,  and  princes  in  a  state  of  permanent  inequality 
with  the  court  of  Rome;  that  every  contest  with  her 
may  resolve  itself  into  a  suspension  of  the  functions 
of  religion;  and  thus  lead  to  the  ruin  of  religion  itself? 
The  religious  situation  of  Europe  has  been  rendered, 
to  the  last  degree  critical,  by  the  difficulty  of  transac- 
tions with  Rome. 


209 

It  is  quite  time  this  chaos  should  be  reduced  to 
order;  and,  since  the  relations  with  Rome  are  extend- 
ed to  a  number  of  princes,  and  states,  heretofore  stran- 
gers to  tliat  court;  it  becomes  highly  requisite  to  ar- 
range a  uniform  system  of  relations,  and  to  establish 
at  length  in  concert  with  her  a^public  law;  which  has 
always  been  wanting  in  the  social  system  of  modern 
Europe :  it  should  contain  whatever  is  truly  useful, 
and  necessary ;  whatever  is  applicable  to  the  times : 
it  should  prune,  and  reject  whatever  is  superfluous; 
whate\er  refers  to  private  interests,  and  is  contrary  to 
the  manners,  and  to  the  genius  of  the  age.  There  is 
but  one  god,  but  one  faith,  but  one  pope,  why  should 
there  not  be  a  uniform  system  of  religion? 


210 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Declaration  of  the  Congress  ofAix-la-  Chapelk. 

A  German  publicist  has  been  cited  as  authority 
for  the  following  assertion :  "  that  which  is  clear,  is 
French;  that  which  is  not  clear,  is  German."  In 
what  language  are  the  declarations  of  the  congress 
conceived?  In  that  of  peace,  as  well  as  that  of  mo- 
deration; its  surest  guarantees.  I  am  far  from  deny- 
ing them  this  character.  But,  this  is  not  all:  the 
question  relates  to  pohcy;  to  a  treaty  of  union;  to  a 
supremacy  of  power;  tlierefore  should  be  stated 
clearly. 

By  the  treaties  of  1813,  1814,  1815,  four  powers 
united  to  put  down  the  domination  of  France;  to  as- 
sign her  limits,  and  to  confine  her  within  them. 
Thus  also  at  Chaumont,  they  pledged  themselves 
anew  to  remain  united;  stipulating  the  duration,  and 
the  expenses  of  their  alliance.  At  Vienna,  at  Paris 
in  1815,  the  treaties  had  a  fixed,  and  determinate  ob- 
ject. They  nearly  resembled  diplomatic  acts,  in  their 
nature  and  clauses.  But  here  the  same  is  not  per- 
ceived. 

These  declarations  contain  nothing  positive :  they 
express  devout  wishes;  encouraging  indeed  for  the 
general  tranquillity,  but  destitute  of  the  precision  and 


211 

the  foresight,  which  generally  are  found  in  acts  of" 
this  solemn  character.  (1)  The  four  first,  add  a  fifth 
member  to  the  quadruple  alliance,  existing  since 
1813.  The  French  plenipotentiary  is  invited  to  a 
seat,  among  those  A\ho  had  heretofore  decided,  upon 
the  fate  of  his  country;  he  enters,  at  length,  the  senate 
which  had  so  often  sentenced  it.  He  comes  there 
to  receive  the  tribute  of  homage  which  the  sovereigns 
are  so  fond  of  paying,  to  the  wisdom  of  the  king,  and 
the  effects  of  constitutional  government.  It  is  con- 
soling to  observe  that  this  word  contains  nothing  ter- 
rific for  princes,  still  enfranchised  from  the  restraints 
of  the  constitutional  system  within  their  states. 
What  is  so  good  for  others,  would  not  be  an  evil  with 
them.  But  after  this  first  cause  of  satisfaction,  some 
points  present  themselves  less  easy  to  explain. 

What  is  this  new  tribunal  which  erects  itself  over 
Europe?  Is  it  an  amphictionic  tribunal,  like  that 
which  existed  among  a  celebrated  people  of  antiquity? 
What  is  the  principle  of  its  authority?  Where  will 
be  its  limit?  Who  will  put  it  in  motion?  To  whom 
will  it  appertain  to  do  it?  Upon  what  could  it  act, 
except  upon  itself?  For  it  is  Europe;  all  the  rest  is 
nothing,  when  compared  with  these  five  powers.  If 
differences  happen  between  them,  how  will  the  divid- 
ed, remain  united,  to  restore  themselves  to  concord; 
and  how  without  concord,  can  they  remain  united? 
All  this,  it  is  perceived,  wants  precision,  and  perspi- 
cuity: the  two  elements  of  diplomatic  language. 

The  French  has  been  made  the  language  of  trea- 
ties, and  of  mathematics,  by  reason  of  its  perspicuity: 
its  direct  construction  excludes  the  ambiguities,  so 
frequent  in  languages  which  permit  inversions,  and 
fixes  with  precision  the  sense  it  would  indicate. 


212 

But,  the  most  important  article  of  these  declara- 
tions, that  which  would  have  excited  the  greatest 
umbrage,  is  precisely  that  not  found  in  them,  and 
which  for  this  reason,  we  are  tempted  to  seek  there. 
It  is  that  which  relates  to  the  possible  interfer- 
ence of  powers,  in  the  internal  commotions  of  a  coun- 
try. How  far  will  these  commotions  give  the  right 
to  interfere?  will  a  part  have  the  right  to  authorize  in- 
terference? It  could  not  be  applied  equally  to  all;  for 
England,  certainly,  w^ould  not  be  seen  to  invoke  the 
interposition  of  foreigners;  as  would  be  done  else- 
where. The  condition,  therefore,  is  not  equal  be- 
tween the  contracting  parties.  The  Russians,  and 
the  Prussians,  would  not  arrive  at  London,  as  at 
Paris.  If  the  permanence  of  this  union  may  affect 
the  independence  of  sovereigns,  in  the  political  order; 
its  ambiguity  may,  in  the  civil  order,  affect  also  the 
independence  of  nations.  Each  people  has  a  right  to 
regulate  its  internal  affairs,  independently  of  all  others. 
If  it  were  otherwise,  ix)ne  would  be  independent  but 
the  strongest:  for  he  only  would  be  able  to  interdict 
the  knowledge  of  his  ov/n  affairs.  If  a  great  change 
had  just  taken  place  in  the  government  of  a  country, 
would  it  make  an  opening  for  interference?  Must  a 
people  be  compelled  to  continue  attached  to  things, 
or  even  to  persons,  with  whom  it  shall  have  pro- 
noimced  its  incompatibility?  Here,  it  is  perceived, 
are  more  questions  than  one  upon  a  subject  which,  at 
the  first  view,  appeared  very  simple.  It  is  also  true, 
that  public  opinion  believes  it  has  discovered,  behind 
the  veils  which  have  been  drawn  over  it,  a  secret 
league  of  princes  against  nations.  It  has  been  the 
more  confirmed  in  this  belief,  because  many  phrases 


213 

of  these  declarations  are  cited  from  the  holy  alliance; 
an  act  which,  at  its  publication,  was  considered  as  the 
apocalypse  of  diplomacy.  The  English  ministry  re- 
fused to  adopt  it;  fearing  the  vigilance  inherent  to  a 
representative  government.  The  same  obstacle  pre- 
vented it  from  taking  root  in  France,  where  the  pub- 
lic favour  would  not  have  attended  its  reception. 
It  will  be  well  to  observe  how  the  English  ministry 
will  reply  to  the  inteiTogatories,  which  will  doubtless 
be  made  respecting  these  acts,  and  relative  to  their 
connexion  with  the  holy  alliance. 

We  must  w-ait  for  this  information  from  England, 
condemned,  as  we  are  by  the  charter  itself,  to  endure 
all  the  effects  of  treaties,  without  being  admitted  to 
discuss  tlieir  clauses. 

It  is  singular  that  when  the  legislative  body  con- 
trols the  most  trivial  duty  upon  salt,  or  tobacco,  its 
jurisdiction  should  not  embrace  objects,  which  may 
affect  the  very  existence  of  the  nation. 

The  present  observations  are  not  meant  to  dimin- 
ish the  sentiments  of  gratitude,  and  confidence  these 
declai'ations  are  calculated  to  inspire. 

Deplorable  would  be  our  situation,  if  they  did  not 
exist;  for  since  Europe  is  found  to  be  destitute  of  a 
real  equilibrium,  it  is  fortunate  that  we  discover  in 
men,  what  is  wanting  in  things:  and  since  peace  can 
no  longer  proceed  but  from  the  former,  we  must 
learn  to  content  ourselves  with  the  holy  alliance,  for 
all  guarantee;  and  in  fact  it  would  be  a  most  holy  al- 
liance, which  should  guaranty  to  Europe  long  days 
of  peace,  morality,  and  moderation! 

In  the  general  tone  of  diplomatic  acts  there  seems 
a  tendency  to  Mysticism;  which  in  policy  produces 

0  g 


214 

the  same  effect  as  Ossianism,  in  literature ;  in  both  the 
style  is  false;  for  neither  behind  the  clouds,  should  be 
placed  the  scene  of  the  Avorld;  nor  above  the  clouds, 
should  its  theatre,  and  its  actors,  be  established.  The 
perspective  is  too  distant,  from  the  eye  of  the  specta- 
tor, to  distinguish  with  assurance  the  nature  of  ob- 
jects ;  the  basis  too  shadowy,  and  shifting  to  inspire 
confidence;  the  great  interests  of  nations  are  not  to  be 
negotiated  with  phantoms;  policy  loves  solid  bodies, 
and  leaves  to  Ixion,  deceived  in  the  object  of  his  ar- 
dours, to  embrace  a  Cloud! 

(1) 

Extract  from  the  Protocol  of  the  Congress  of  Avx-la- 
Chapelle. 
The  ministers  of  Austria,  of  France,  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, of  Prussia,  and  of  Russia,  after  the  exchange  of 
the  ratifications  of  the  convention  signed  the  9th  of 
October,  18 18,  relative  to  the  evacuation  of  the  French 
territory   by  foreign  troops;    and  after  having  ad- 
dressed to  each  other  the  notes  annexed  in  copy,  have 
met  together  in  conference  to  take  into  consideration 
the  relations  which  in  the  existing  state  of  things 
ought  to  be  established  between  France,  and  the  co- 
subscribing  powers  to  the  Treaty  of  Peace  of  28th  of 
November  1815;  relations  which,  while  they  secure 
to  France  the  place  which  appertains  to  her  in  the 
system  of  Europe,  will  bind  her  strictly  to  the  pacific, 
and  benevolent  views  which  are  shared  by  all  the  so- 
vereigns; and  thus  consolidate  the  general  tranquillity. 
After  having  maturely  weighed  the  salutary  prin- 
ciples of  the  grand  interests,  which  constitute  the 
order  of  things  established  in  Europe  under  the  aus- 


215 

pices  of  divine  providence,  by  means  of  the  Treaty  of 
Paris  of  30th  of  May,  1814,  the  recess  Vienna, 
and  the  Treaty  of  Peace  of  the  year  1815,  the  Courts 
subscribing-  the  present  act,  have  unanimously  ac- 
knowledged, and  declare  in  consequence,  that  they 
are  firmly  decided  not  to  depart,  either  in  their  mu- 
tual relations,  or  in  those  which  connect  them  with 
other  states,  from  the  intimate  union,  which  has  pre- 
sided hitherto  over  their  common  relations  and  inter- 
ests :  a  union  become  more  strong  and  indissoluble 
by  the  ties  ofi  christian  fraternity^  which  the  sovereigns 
have  mutually  formed.  That  this  union,  so  much 
more  real  and  durable  as  it  depends  on  no  insulated 
interest,  on  no  momentary  combination,  can  have  no 
other  object  but  the  maintenance  of  general  peace, 
founded  on  a  religious  respect  for  engagements  con- 
signed in  treaties,  and  for  the  totality  of  the  rights 
derived  from  them :  that  France,  associated  to  the 
other  powers  by  the  restoration  of  monarchical,  legi- 
timate and  constitutional  power,  engages  to  concur 
henceforth  in  the  maintenance,  and  confirmation  of  a 
system  which  has  given  peace  to  Europe,  and  which 
alone  can  assure  its  duration.  That  if,  better  to  attain 
the  above  expressed  object,  the  powers  who  have 
concurred  in  the  present  act,  shall  judge  it  necessary 
to  establish  particular  Conventions,  whether  between 
the  august  Sovereigns  or  between  their  respective 
ministers,  and  plenipotentiaries,  to  treat  in  common 
of  their  own  interests  so  far  as  they  relate  to  the  ob- 
ject of  their  present  deliberations,  the  epoch,  and  the 
place  of  these  Conventions,  shall  each  time  be  pre- 
viously appointed  by  means  of  diplomatic  communi- 
cations; and  that  in  case  these  Con^•entions  shall  have 


216 

for  their  object  affairs  especially  connected  with  the 
interests  of  other  states  of  Europe,  they  shall  not  take 
place  till  after  a  formal  invitation  addressed  to  those 
of  these  states  whom  the  said  affairs  shall  concern,  and 
with  the  express  reserve  of  their  rights  to  participate 
in  them  directly,  or  by  their  plenipotentiaries :  That 
the  resolutions  consigned  to  the  present  act  shall  be 
conveyed  to  the  knowledge  of  all  the  European  courts 
by  the  subjoined  declaration;  which  shall  be  considered 
as  sanctioned  by  the  protocol,  and  making  part  of  it. 

DECLARATION. 

At  the  epoch  when  the  pacification  of  Europe  is 
completed,  by  the  resolution  to  withdraw  the  foreign 
troops  from  the  French  territory;  and  when  the  mea- 
sures of  precaution  cease,  which  deplorable  events 
had  rendered  necessary :  the  ministers  and  plenipo- 
tentiaries of  their  majesties  the  emperor  of  Austria, 
the  king  of  France,  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  the  king 
of  Prussia,  and  the  emperor  of  all  the  Russias,  are 
commanded  by  their  sovereigns  to  bring  to  the  know- 
ledge of  all  the  courts  of  Europe,  the  results  of  their 
convention  at  Aix-la-Chapelle;  and  to  this  end,  to 
make  the  following  declaration : 

The  convention  of  the  9th  of  October,  1818,  which 
has  definitively  regulated  the  execution  of  the  engage- 
ments consigned  in  the  treaty  of  peace  of  20th  No- 
vember, 1815,  is  considered  by  the  sovereigns  who 
have  concurred  in  it  as  the  accomplishment  of  the 
work  of  peace,  and  as  the  completion  of  the  political 
system  destined  to  ensure  its  solidity. 

The  intimate  union  established  between  the  Mo- 
narchs  associated  to  this  system,  by  their  principles,  n© 


217 

less  than  by  the  interests  of  their  people,  ofiers  to 
Europe  the  most  sacred  pledge  of  future  tranquillity. 

The  object  of  this  union  is  as  simple,  as  it  is  great, 
and  salutary;  it  tends  to  no  new  political  combination, 
to  no  change  in  the  relations  sanctioned  by  existing 
treaties.  Calm,  and  constant  in  its  action,  it  has  only 
for  its  object,  the  maintenance  of  peace,  and  the  gua- 
rantee of  the  transactions  by  which  it  has  been  found- 
ed, and  consolidated. 

The  sovereigns  in  forming  this  august  union,  have 
considered  as  its  fundamental  basis,  their  invariable 
resolution  never  to  depart  between  themselves,  nor  in 
their  relation  with  other  states,  from  the  strictest  ob- 
servation of  thejLat:;^  of  jYations;  principles  which  in 
their  application  to  a  state  of  permanent  peace,  can 
alone  effectually  guarantee  the  independence  of  each 
government,  and  the  stability  of  the  general  associa- 
tion; faithful  to  these  principles,  the  sovereigns  will 
maintain  them  equally  in  the  conventions,  in  which 
they  shall  personally  act,  or  which  shall  take  place 
between  their  ministers;  whether  they  may  have  for 
their  object  to  discuss  in  common  their  own  interests, 
or  whether  they  shall  refer  to  questions,  in  which 
other  governments  shall  have  formally  claimed  their 
intervention.  The  same  spirit  which  v/ill  direct  their 
counsels,  and  which  will  reign  in  their  diplomatic 
communications  will  preside  also  at  these  conventions, 
and  the  repose  of  the  world  will  be  constantly  theii- 
motive  and  their  aim. 

In  these  sentiments  the  sovereierns  have  consum- 

mated  the  work  to  which  they  were  called.     They 

formally  ackncrcoledge  tliat  their  duties  towards  God 

and  towards   the  people   they  govern^  prescribe   to 


218 

them  to  give  the  world,  as  much  as  in  them  is,  the 
example  of  justice,  concord,  and  moderation;  happy 
in  being  able,  henceforth,  to  consecrate  all  their  efforts 
to  the  protection  of  the  arts  of  peace ;  to  increasing 
the  internal  prosperity  of  their  states,  and  awakening 
those  sentiments  of  religion,  and  morality,  the  infu- 
ence  of  which  has  been  weakened  but  too  much  by  the 
misery  of  the  times. 


5219 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Spirit  of  the  People  of  Europe, 

It  is  altogether  constitutional, — that  is  to  say,  di- 
rected towards  the  establishment  of  solid  institutions, 
and  the  extinction  of  absolute  and  arbitrary  govern- 
ment; a  thing  which  appears  insupportable  to  the  peo- 
ple of  modern  times;  because  it  is  incompatible  with 
the  degree  of  civilization  to  which  they  have  arrived. 
Such  is  the  general  object  towards  w^hich  this  spirit 
tends.  The  modifications  of  this  government  may  be 
numberless;  but  the  object  is  determinate, — that  of 
being  governed  regularly;  such  is  the  general  will. 
And  this  explains  the  facility  with  which  nations  ac- 
cept of  constitutions,  which  have  not  been  submitted 
for  their  deliberation;  for,  even  without  finding  them 
entirely  in  conformity  with  principles,  we  see  they  ac- 
cept them  without  hesitation,  and  without  discussing 
the  question  of  authority.  And  this  because  they 
perceive  in  them  a  passage  from  a  decrepid,  and  de- 
tested system,  to  an  order  of  things  fondly  desired,  and 
permanent  in  principle.  Thus  a  first  wish  is  accom- 
plished; and  patience  is  supported  by  hope.  These 
constitutions,  offspring  of  necessity,  are  a  species  of 
bridge,  thrown  over  the  abyss  v.hich  separates  the 
past  from  the  future;  they  facilitate  the  passage  from 
one  bank  to  the  other.  The  Past,  like  an  imperious 
master,  ever  tends  to  dispossess  the  Present;  its  com- 


220 

bat  is  against  Time;  the  latter  will  prevail,  and  finally 
perfect  what  in  this  first  epoch  can  merely  be  sketch- 
ed. It  will  continue  to  act  as  when  the  kings  of  a 
former  epoch  began  to  enfranchise  the  boroughs;  on 
the  faint  gleamings  of  the  light  which  began  to  dawn. 
Such  was  the  first  effect  of  light;  as  it  has  increased, 
others  have  been  produced,  which  have  gradually 
caused  the  enfranchisement  of  modem  societies.  The 
latter  would  be  constitutional,  as  the  boroughs  aspired 
to  be  enfranchised.  The  state  of  the  two  epochs 
produced  the  exigencies  which,  in  the  two  circum- 
stances, constituted  the  spirit  of  the  age;  for  the  spi- 
rit of  a  time  is  but  the  expression  of  its  wafits,  and  the 
measure  of  its  forces.  It  wills  what  it  knows,  and 
what  it  c(m. 

When  the  boroughs  were  enfranchised,  they  dis- 
puted neither  the  principles,  nor  the  accidents  of  their 
liberation;  they  eagerly  accepted  its  declaration,  and 
entered  upon  its  possession.  By  such  means  was 
gradually  formed  the  assemblage  of  rights,  and  privi- 
leg-es,  which  constituted  the  a-eneral  liberation.  A 
captive  escaped  from  long  imprisonment,  Europe  at 
this  day  pursues  a  similar  course.  She  has  done  with 
the  arbitrary,  absolute  and  despotic  system;  always 
contrary  to  her  interests,  and  now  contrary,  also,  to 
her  knowledge.  Discredited  in  the  minds  of  all,  this 
system  must  of  necessity  fall.  Princes,  aware  of  the 
existence  of  these  dispositions,  accommodate  their 
conduct  to  this  general  movement  of  opinion,  even 
when  it  opposes  them;  so  imperious  is  its  manifesta- 
fion.  If  they  make  a  sacrifice  to  the  necessity  of 
granting  constitutions;  the  people,  also,  sacrifice  to 
the  need  of  having,  the  right  of  discussing  them;  they 


I 


221. 

accept  the  [)lank  of  safety  v.bich  is  presented  them,; 
without  questioning  its  length,  or  its  thickness,  they 
seize  it  and  float.  Such  is  evidently  the  sense  of 
all  that  is  jjassing  in  Europe,  as  of  all  that  has  taken 
place  in  France. 

The  concession  of  a  Charter^  might  well  fail  to  ac- 
complish her  entire  wishes;  but,  in  the  peculiar  situa- 
tion to  \\  hich  the  caprice  of  fortune  had  reduced  her, 
it  became  her  duty  to  accept  it;  she  accepted  it  at 
once  as  a  shield  against  the  ancient  system,  and  a 
guarantee  of  the  new.  This  double  character  has 
prevented  the  opposition,  which  it  otherwise  would 
ine^'itably  have  experienced. 

Nations  without  fixed  institutions,  or  even  with 
institutions  which  they  have  had  no  voice  in  forming, 
are  no  better  than  monstrosities;  compelled  to  be  the 
subjects  merely  of  these  institutions,  they  find  them 
no  guarantee;  continuing  strangers  to  their  mainte- 
nance, as  they  were  to  their  establishment;  while 
others,  without  responsibility,  interpret  and  apply 
them. 

Thence  arises  the  necessity  for  the  intervention  of 
nations  in  their  government,  and  consequently  that  of 
a  constitution;  for,  without  this  personal  interference, 
always  judged  by  an  assiuned  riglit,  nations  will  find 
their  rights  written,  as  it  were,  upon  the  sand;  or 
upon  the  leaves,  driven  before  the  wind. 

It  is  curious  to  observe  the  two-fold  movement, 
distinguishable  in  the  establishment  of  governments; 
the  one  arbitrary  and  despotic,  die  other  constitu- 
tional. We  seem  to  behold  order,  in  conflict  with  dis- 
order, in  a  state  of  flux  and  reflux;  similar  to  that 
\\'hich  at  sea  opposes  one  wave  against  another,  and 

rih 


±22 

lanches  them,  alternately,  from  one  shore  to  the  other. 
Absolute  power,  taking  departure  from  the  East,  ad- 
\  anced,  gradually  propagating,  towards  the  West:  its 
progress  may  be  traced.     It  has  lost  its  intensity,  in 
proportion  to  the  distance  from  its  cradle.     Its  com- 
plexion, like  that  of  colours  as  they  are  spread,  has 
experienced  a  ])rogressive  softening;  the  further  it  has 
advanced  towards  the  West,  the  more  it  has  faded; 
Asia  is  more  despotic  than  Russia;  Russia  more  than 
Poland;  Germany  more  than  France;  France  than 
EuQ-land;   England  than  America.     At  this  distance, 
the  tint  is  found  to  be  nearly  effaced.     From  regions 
where  the  day  springs,  from  the  very  gates  of  Aurora, 
the  night  of  despotism  has  invaded  the  universe;  by 
an  opposite  order  of  march,  from  that  part  of  the 
West  most  enveloped  in  murky  exhalations,  the  new 
Day  has  proceeded,  which  repulses,  towards  the  places 
of  its  origin,  the  institution  which  had  enthralled  Eu- 
rope, and  the  rest  of  the  world.     England  gave  the 
signal,  and  io !  at  the  end  of  a  century,  the  rout  has' 
become   general ;    and  the   light  flashed  from  this 
luminous  focus,   has   diffused   itself  at  once   every 
^vhere.     Each  day  sees  new  states  form  themselves 
in  constitutional  order;  which  has  already  the  majo- 
ritij  in  Europe;  for,  out  of  one  hundred  and  lift}" 
millions  of  inhabitants  (which  it  contains,  exclusive  of 
Turkey)  the  constitutional  order  governs,  more  than 
eighty  millions. 

The  establishment,  it  is  true,  is  not  yet  completed 
with  perfect  regularity;  in  this  resjject,  Europe  re- 
sembles new  cities,  in  which  the  buildings  are  erectr 
ed  on  spaces  detached  from  each  other;  but  which 
p\'cry  day  approximates,  till  they  finally  join,  and 


223 

every  void  is  filled.     It  will  be  die  same  witli  consti- 
tutional Europe;  there  exist  voids  between  die  parts 
regenerated,  and  diose  which  are  not;  time  will  fill 
them;  it  has  filled  up  the  Pas  de  Calais^  very  consti- 
tutionally; it  will  fill  up  many  others.     Europe  could 
not  escape  the  rostrum  of  England,  when  it  existed 
alone;  and  shall  she  resist  die  efiects  of  those,  which 
spring  up  every  where !  This  is  impossible;  it  in- 
volves too  formal  a  contradiction,  both  to  the  nature 
of  things,  and  to  existing  facts.     The  delays  still 
existing,  in  some  places,  present  nothing  to  alarm; 
perhaps  we  should  even  congratulate  them;  a  better 
formation  will  be  their  indemnification.     Advantage 
may  be  taken  of  the  surprise,  of  the  necessities,  of  a 
people,  of  a  thousand  incidents,  to  slide,  as  it  were, 
amongst  them  a  constitution;  but  this  becomes  more 
difficult  when  example,  and  internal  tranquillity  fur- 
nish the  means  of  reflection,  and  of  comparison.    We 
may,  therefore,  depart  with  security  from  this  point. 
that  constitutional  order,  wafted,  as  it  were,  on  wings, 
by  the  wishes  of  Europe,  will  arrive  to  form  the  ge- 
neral, and  uniform  system  of  government  in  this  part. 
of  the  world. 

Europe  will  produce  this  fruit,  also,  among  tlie 
new  products  with  which  she  has  enriched  her  culti 
vation.  It  will  be  as  impossible  to  eradicate  this  nevr 
plant,  as  to  extirpate  the  vines,  and  the  trees,  which 
cover  and  fructify  her  soil.  It  has  penetrated  the 
earth  with  its  roots;  nothing  can  pre\'ent  its  branches 
from  overshadowing  it.  The  countries  which  con 
tinue  to  resist  the  introduction  of  this  system,  are  pre- 
cisely those  which  need  it  most.  The  delay  proceeds 
from  abuses  which  die  a  lingering  death;  but  they 


2M 

are  also  the  placeb  which  will  most  feel,  the  severity 
of  its  benefits.  When  we  examine  the  state  of  the 
world,  and  that  of  humanity,  it  is  distinctly  perceived 
tliat  this  result  is  inevitable.  How,  in  fact,  is  it  pos- 
sible, that  half  of  Europe  should  be  constituted  upon 
one  model,  and  the  other  half  in  a  manner  entirely 
opposite?  It  might  as  well  be  said  that  half  the  Roman 
empire  could  have  remained  Pagan,  when  the  other 
had  embraced  Christianity;  but  Christianity  reposed 
after  it  had  invaded  all.  It  will  be  the  same  with  the 
constitutional  order;  men  see  it,  and  understand  it. 
Can  they  be  deprived  of  their  senses,  which,  every 
moment,  offer  it  to  their  notice  ?  Men  witness  the 
spectacle  of  happiness  it  procures;  who  shall  extin^ 
guish  in  them  the  intense  desire  of  well-being,  which 
goads  them  to  pursue,  and  embrace  all  that  can  serve 
them?  Who  ^vould  wish,  or  be  al^le,  to  constrain 
their  understanding  to  retrograde  so  far,  as  to  divide 
against  itself; — as  to  interdict  itself  improvements 
in  the  intellectual  career,  w^hile  making  them  daily  in 
mechanics,  and  physics?  W'ho  can  avoid  being  struck 
•with  the  eagerness  to  know  all,  to  appropriate  all  that 
is  useful,  expressed  in  the  earnest  solicitude  of  every 
people  to  attend  the  spectacle  of  their  political  repre- 
sentations; which  seem  no  less  indispensable  to  their 
gratification,  than  those  towards  which  they  are  at- 
tracted by  the  pleasures  of  taste,  or  of  societ}-.  Ac- 
cordingly, in  Europe,  as  in  France,  during  the  legis- 
lative sessions  of  the  two  countries,  an  increase  of 
life,  an  augmentation  of  existence,  is  remarked;  which 
evidently  droops  during  their  suspension.  But,  even 
then,  how  many  secret,  and  unperceived  movements; 
how  many  weapons  are  sharpened  in  silence,  against 


II 


225 

the  renewal  of  the  day  of  combat"?  Greece  was  not 
more  enamoured  of  her  Olympic  Games,  Rome  of 
her  Campus  MartiuSy  nor  Athens  of  her  Lyceum,  and 
her  Portico. 

Here  we  must  be  frank;  there  is  still  more  of  in- 
terest justly  appreciated,  than  of  merit,  in  speaking 
truth:  for  all  is  soon  known,  and  whatever  has  been 
disguised,  is  exposed,  and  reproached.  We  nmst 
not  fear  to  say,  therefore,  the  world  changes  its  face; 
that  the  question  is  not  of  a  revolution  in  such,  or 
such  a  place;  it  concerns  the  revolution  of  the  world 
entire.  Against  the  world  it  is  directed;  the  world  is 
its  subject:  the  combat  is  not  between  men,  but  be- 
tween institutions:  it  is  a  combat  of  principles,  of 
creeds,  of  ideas,  combats  of  this  nature  are  never  par- 
tial: they  embrace  the  world;  none  can  escape  their 
action. 

The  change  has  many,  and  remote  sources:  Print- 
ing, the  discovery  of  the  two  Indies,  the  commerce 
and  intercourse  between  all  nations,  as  between  men 
of  all  countries,  have  opened  the  breach;  the  reforma- 
tion, the  revolution  of  England,  that  of  America, 
have  enlarged  it:  the  revolution  of  France  has  now 
completed,  the  destruction  of  the  ancient  social  edi- 
fice. (16).  Thus  the  world  is  found  to  be  changed, 
and  earned  back  to  these  great  epochs  which  give  it 
a  neM'  face.  The  emancipation  of  America  prepares 
for  it  another,  and  a  final  change;  which  can  no  more 
be  aiTested,  or  diverted,  than  those  which  Jiave  pre- 
ceded: no  more  than  the  Roman  world  could  escape 
the  effects  of  the  introduction  of  Christianity;  than 
nations,  those  of  the  extinction  of  slavery;  than  feuda- 
lism, the  enfranchijsement  of  the  boroughs;  which  con 


226 

centrated  in  the  hands  of  one,  the  power  which  had 
been  astray  in  those  of  many.  This  was  the  first 
sketch;  the  constitutional  system  was  necessary  to 
its  perfection;  the  tendency,  accordingly,  is  general 
to  this  order  of  things.  The  asperities  which  our 
first  tottering  steps  may  encounter,  ought  not  to  dis- 
courage; the  voyage  is  commenced;  as  in  long  voy- 
ages, there  are  straits  celebrated  for  shipwrecks,  and 
difficulties  of  navigation;  so  in  the  passage  from  the 
ancient  system  to  the  new,  there  are  shoals  which  in 
experienced  navigators  may  dread;  but  skilful  pilots 
can  easily  avoid.  A  new  system  requires  skilful  di- 
rection: a  new  system  must  encounter  opposition: 
both  result  from  the  nature  of  things;  interests  by 
their  collision  create  tempests;  and  European  aristo- 
cracy, like  the  giant  who  defended  the  shores  of 
Aurora,  and  opposed  the  landing  of  the  adventurous 
navigators  who  first  approached  them,  this  aristocracy 
defends,  with  desperation,  the  throne  she  feels  sinking 
under  her.  Such  is  the  cause  of  all  the  agitations 
which  are  still  felt  in  Europe.  Aristocracy  never 
dies,  nor  retreats,  nor  capitulates,  nor  takes  repose. 
Temperaments  are  not  in  her  essence;  nothing  enters 
it  but  power,  and  domination:  She  must  always  have 
the  sceptre,  and  all  the  sceptre;  she  neither  conciliates, 
nor  shares.  It  is  true  she  admits  the  necessity,  of 
using  it  well;  but  she  stiffly  contends,  that  to  her 
alone,  it  appertains  to  use  it.  At  Rome,  at  Athens, 
at  Venice,  at  Genoa,  in  France,  whether  monarchical 
or  republican,  aristocracy  has  been  always  the  same; 
ever  true  to  her  principle,  which  is  superiority:  she 
is  not  aristocracy  to  be  second,  but  first;  to  share,  but 
to  exclude.     Without  surprise,  or  irritation  at  these 


227 

pretensions,  we  should  learn  to  resist,  and  restrain 
them,  by  means  of  the  elements  which  flourish  in  our 
age.  She  has  been  long  in  possession;  for  riches,  and 
disrnities  have  been  her  exclusive  inheritance.     At 

o 

the  present  day  they  are  divided;  and  this  partition 
excites  her  special  indignation:  she  still  occupies  tl\e 
approaches  of  thrones,  the  high  ranks  of  society:  her 
means  are  organized;  in  many  places,  she  disposes 
of  the  public  force,  and  threatens  to  employ  it  in  her 
own  favour,  against  her  competitors.  She  terrifies 
tlii'ones:  incessantly  representing  the  hydra  of  inno- 
vation, always  ready  to  devour  them. 

Aristocracy  attempts  in  whispers,  what  the  ejected 
princes  of  Germany  strive  with  vociferation,  to  effect; 
each  of  them  endeavours  to  animate  and  to  arm, 
power  against  the  people.     If  the  echos  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  could  repeat,  all  they  doubtless  have  heard, 
we  should  probably  learn  that  she  was  not  there  spar- 
ing of  inflammatory  pictures,  and  cries  of  alarm;  and 
that  she  would  fain  have  persuaded  those  for  whom 
she  painted,  to  follow  the  regimen  of  her  own  terrors. 
A  dethroned  sovereign,  she  rambles  about  exhibit- 
ing the  spectacle  of  her  own  ruin,  as  a  warning  to 
others:  dethroned  kings  have  always  been  supplicants, 
for  aid  to  reinstate  them;  have  always  sought  to  per- 
suade, that  in  their  downfall  was  involved  the  ruin  of 
all.     Vain  terrors!  on  the  extinction  of  slavery,  did 
the  return  of  liberty  render  man  furious;  bent,  like  a 
maniac,  on  the  subversion  of  all?     When  the  bo- 
roughs were  enfranchised,  did  their  hands,  unchained, 
offer  violence   to  thrones;  or  rather,  were  they  not 
raised  towards  them,  in  demonstrations  of  gi'atitude? 
When  EnglJ\nd  reco^  ered  her  rights,  did  her  throne 


228 

become  less  stable,  than  that  of  the  Stuarts;  victhiis  to 
their  incurable  chimera  of  power  by  divine  right;  the 
disease  of  which  they  expired^  On  the  contrary,  must 
we  not  date  from  this  epoch  the  greatest  power  of 
the  state,  the  greatest  purity  of  manners,  the  greatest 
vigour  of  the  social  order,  the  most  real  authority  of 
the  throne,  the  most  constant  security  of  the  monarch? 
nothing  has  been  denied  him,  since  his  power  has 
been  established  upon  law:  life  was  a  continual  com- 
bat, often  mingled  with  catastrophes,  for  those  who 
held  themselves  above  the  laws.  Like  monuments 
formed  of  bronze,  at  a  single  melting,  must  not 
thrones,  cast  as  it  were  in  the  same  mould  with  the 
laws  of  a  country,  have  more  stability  than  those, 
which  being  formed  piece  by  piece,  and  of  different 
metals,  are  destitute  of  the  same  adherence  in  their 
parts?  The  stability  of  thrones,  as  of  all  institutions, 
like  that  of  aristocracy  itself,  has  no  sure  basis  ex- 
cept, a  conformity  with  the  times. 

History  presents  entire  epochs,  and  vast  spaces 
without  thrones;  who  knows  but  their  last  hour 
may  be  now  tolling  in  America?  Thrones  have 
sprung  from  the  earth,  and  the  bosom  of  societies, 
for  their  benefit:  They  descend  not  from  heaven, 
like  the  rays  of  the  star  without  which  nothing 
would  fructify;  they  are  but  artificial  combinations, 
adopted  by  societies  for  their  own  advantage,  for 
their  greater  well-being;  which  in  fact  constitutes 
their  solidity;  for  they  must  endure  so  long  as  these 
advantages  continue; — a  refutation  of  the  vain  terrors 
with  which  it  has  been  attempted  to  environ  them. 
Thrones  are  institutions,  which  may  always  be  use- 
fiJ;  whereas,  aristocracy  is  only  so  according  to  thi?  . 


229 

tim6.  Time  supported  her,  while  there  existed  any  cor- 
respondence between  them:  this  support  ha\ing  been 
withdrawn,  she  has  fallen,  as  fruit  drops  from  the  tree, 
when  the  sap  retires  from  it;  no  longer  recommended 
by  the  circumstances,  which  had  given  her  birth,  and 
importance,  she  now  stalks  a  mere  phantom.  She 
owed  existence  to  compariti\'e  superiority;  she  bore 
the  burdens  of  society;  she  occupied  the  fields  and 
the  surface  of  the  ten-itory;  at  present,  she  is  equalled, 
or  surpassed  in  all  these  points;  she  no  long-er  sup- 
ports singly  the  burdens  of  the  state;  far  from  this, 
she  feels  but  the  smallest  part  of  them;  of  the  domain 
of  the  soil,  she  retains  but  a  limited  portion;  that  of 
industry,  she  has  lost  entirely;  talents  are  not  less 
common  in  other  ranks,  than  in  her  own:  what  is  there 
left  then,  of  tlie  attributes  on  which  depended  her 
power?  Such  is  not  the  condition  of  thrones.  Their 
beneficent  attributes  have  remained,  the  pledges  of 
their  immortality;  better  known,  more  felt,  better  ap- 
preciated, they  will  become  every  day  more  dear  to 
the  people  of  Europe;  who  desire  only  the  retrench- 
ment of  ^vhat  is  superfluous,  and  therefore  prejudicial, 
even  by  its  inutility. 

Thrones,  therefore,  repose  always  upon  the  same 
basis — the  utility  of  nations;  but  aristocracy,  useful 
to  herself  only,  and  burdensome  to  others,  now  rests 
upon  nothing;  or  rather,  deprived  of  her  ancient  foun- 
dations, she  has  no  true  support.  Finding  herself 
destitute  of  roots  in  the  nature  of  things,  or  in  the 
minds  of  men,  she  solicits  the  support  of  thrones, 
and  invokes  them  in  the  name  of  common  dangers. 
But  let  governments  not  be  decei\'ed;  Aristocracy  is 
an  emigrant  from  the  social  system,  who,  feeling  her* 

I  i 


230 

self  separated  from  the  soil  which  had  sustained  her, 
goes  in  search  of  allies;  to  whom  she  can  bring  no 
succour,  but  in  requital,  may  involve  them  in  many 
dangers;  for,  let  it  not  be  doubted,  her  allies  will  in- 
fallibly share  in  the  odium  which  attends  her;  and 
even  in  case  of  victory,  they  would  find  in  her  impe- 
rious masters,  who  would  command  them  to  follow 
her,  as  she*  did  the  unfortunate  Lewis  XVI.;  as  she 
has  also  done  since  the  5th  of  September:  for  aristo- 
cracy is  imperious,  even  in  her  respects.  She  spoke, 
by  the  mouth  of  the  nobles  of  Arragon,  when  they 
dictated  to  their  king,  the  conditions  of  their  obedi- 
ence; and  annexed  to  the  crown  the  haughty  formula, 
si  no7i,  non.  It  was  she  also,  w^ho,  by  the  organ  of  the 
Magnates,  menaced,  as  much  almost  as  consecrated, 
the  sovereign  of  Hungary;  it  was  she  who  rent  in 
pieces,  shared  out,  and  sold  Poland:  it  was  she  who 
answered  by  the  voice  of  the  noble  Pole,  urged  to 
arrest  the  Turks  in  their  pursuit  of  Sobieski,  "  ajier 
this  king  ceases,  we  xviil  make  another. ^^^ 

Though  aristocracy  be  not  always  a  good  servant, 
she  is  alw  ays,  at  least,  a  very  bad  master.  Reduced  in 
number,  in  great  states,  it  is  no  more  than  a  drop  of 
water  in  the  ocean,  a  grain  of  sand  upon  its  shores.f 

There  no  longer  exists,  therefore,  any  real  aristo- 
cracy, except  that  which  results  from  the  constitu- 
tional system.  The  latter,  reason  adopts;  the  nation 
has  embraced;  not  for  the  sake  of  aristocracy  itself^ 

*  See  the  history  of  king;  Sobieski,  by  the  Abbe  Coyer. 

■j"  Before  til e  re voki lion,  the  number  of  noble  families  in  France  did  not 
exceed  17,500  Reckoning  five  individuals  to  a  family,  there  might  have  been 
about  90,000  nobles.  The  disasters  of  the  revolution  must  have  reduced  them 
to  less  than  40,000.  It  is  doubtful  ■whether  there  are  500  nobles  to  a  depart- 
ment; a  great  many  of  them  number  fewer  than  an  hundred. 


231 

but  for  her  own;  finding  it  a  necessary  machinery  in 
her  new  poHtical  organization,  and  that  the  mainte- 
nance of  tliis  machinery  is  requisite  for  her  govern- 
ment. 

The  new,  is  a  legal  substitute  to  the  personal,  and 
feudal  aristocracy;  which  the  nation  had  supported, 
in  like  manner,  so  long  as  it  sustained  the  burdens  of 
the  state.  To  the  support  of  these  social  burdens 
her  obedience  refers;  to  the  same  object,  in  a  new 
form,  she  directs  her  affections.  But  how  does  this 
substitution  of  one  order  to  another,  lead,  as  some  pre- 
tend, to  social  disorder?  Is  the  exchange  of  a  worn- 
out  institution,  for  institutions  full  of  life,  and  energy, 
the  destruction  of  all  institutions?  Should  we  assert, 
that  even  thrones  themselves,  must  submit  to  modifi- 
cations; institutions  which  have  sprung  from  the  bo- 
som of  societies,  can  they  not  follow  their  progress, 
and  participate  in  their  improvements?  Has  heaven 
created  for  thrones,  as  for  humanity,  a  common  type 
from  which  it  would  be  impossible  to  derogate,  with- 
out subverting  the  laws  of  nature  ? 

Thrones,  like  all  other  human  institutions,  are  va- 
riable in  their  signification,  and  application,  according 
to  the  times,  and  to  the  countries  in  which  they  exist. 
But  what  have  thrones  to  lose  in  becoming  identified 
with  societies,  instead  of  reposing  upon  the  clouds? 
What  have  they  to  lose  by  acquiring  the  signification 
of  guarantees^  of  social  stability;  instead  of  purport- 
ing j?j/?a«to^m«^or?rt,  Iris^  and  other  chimeras?  In  what 
has  the  house  of  Hanover  been  a  loser,  by  acknow- 
ledging in  its  throne  a  signification,  different  from  that 
given  by  the  house  of  Stuart^  to  the  throne  which  sunk 
under  it? 


232 

Attributes  of  beneficence  will  always  prove  a  surer 
guarantee,  than  the  creations  of  prejudice,  and  imagi- 
nation; and,  for  a  thing  to  have  any  sense^  its  import 
must  be  p-eneral,  and  understood  by  all.  Aristocracy 
has  required  equality  in  submission;  want  of  reflec- 
tion has  made  submission,  to  consist  in  abjection;  the 
constitutional  system,  coming  to  establish  all  things 
anew,  has  replaced  respect  in  knowledge,  and  in  gra- 
titude. 

By  these  titles,  it  teaches  men  to  love  thrones;  and 
thrones  to  obtain  these  claims  to  their  affection.  Such, 
at  the  present  day,  is  the  spirit  of  the  people  of  Eu- 
rope; their  spirit  is  formed;  it  is  constitutional,  in  the 
sense  we  have  just  explained.  A  thousand  things 
may,  in  private,  divert  men  from  an  object;  nothing 
can  divert  nations  from  theirs;  to  oppose  them,  but 
makes  them  desire  it  the  more;  to  refuse  their  desires, 
but  adds  to  their  violence;  and  governments  can  do 
nothing  better,  than  to  yield  with  discretion,  and  a 
good  grace,  whatever  is  demanded  with  unanimity. 

Extinguished  at  once,  every  where;  or  else  every 
where  established,  such,  in  the  present  state  of  the 
world,  must  be  the  fate  of  the  constitutional  system; 
but,  to  arrive  at  this  extinction,  it  will  be  requisite  to 
com.mence  by  another;  and  the  former  will  ever  hap- 
pen the  last;  the  extinctmi  of  nations  themselves. 

Note  [b). 

The  revolution  of  France,  according  to  Madame 
de  Staiil,  is  one  of  the  great  epochs  of  social  order; 
those  who  view  it  as  an  accidental  event,  blind  to  the 
past,  and  to  the  future,  mistake  the  actors  for  the 
drama;  and  impute  to  the  agency  of  men,  who  have 


233 

figured  but  a  moment  on  tlie  stage,  tJiat  which  ages 
had  been  prepaying. 

Many  are  incapable  of  seeing  a  more  remote  cause 
for  the  events  of  the  day,  than  the  chances  of  the  fore- 
going evening. 

If,  say  tliey,  such  a  partial  movement  had  been 
prevented,  nothing  of  what  has  taken  place  would 
have  happened.  By  repairing  the  disorder  of  the 
finances,  the  convocation  of  the  states  general  might 
ha\'e  been  rendered  superfluous.  By  firing  on  the 
multitude,  who  crowded  tumultuously  around  the 
Bastille,  the  insurrection  might  have  been  prevented. 
If  the  votes  of  the  commons  had  been  rejected,  the 
constituent  assembly  would  not  have  been  factious; 
and  if  the  constituent  assembly  had  been  dissolved, 
the  explosion  of  the  revolution  would  never  have  ta- 
ken place. 

What  blindness !  not  to  see,  that  disorder  in  the 
finances  \\  as  not  a  cause,  but  an  effect;  that  the  same 
form  of  government  which  had  produced  this  deficit^ 
would  soon  have  created  another;  because  dilapida- 
tion is  the  inseperable  concomitant  of  an  arbitrary 
system;  that  the  destruction  of  the  Bastille  was  not  a 
sudden  caprice  of  the  inhabitants  of  Paris;  that  if 
preserved  to-day,  it  would  have  been  menaced  to- 
morrow ;  for,  ^\  hen  the  hatred  of  vexations  have 
created  universal  disgust,  it  is  not  by  protecting  vexa- 
tions with  cannon,  but  removing  them,  that  a  durable 
tranquillity  is  re-established;  that  the  admission  of  the 
commons  merely  added  a  few  more  organs  for  the 
expression  of  an  opinion,  which,  deprived  of  these 
organs,  would  have  created  others,  still  more  formi- 
dable; that,  by  dissolving  the  constituent  assembly, 


234 

they  could  not  have  extinguished  that  thirst  for  Hber- 
ty  which  agitated  every  mind,  and  fired  every  breast; 
that  the  power  of  the  unprivileged  class  would  have 
remained,  and  must  have  received,  or  would  have 
taken,  satisfaction;  that  the  true  authors  of  the  revo- 
lution were  not  those  who,  being  its  instruments,  ap- 
peared its  leaders.  The  true  authors  of  the  revolution 
were  the  Cardinal  de  Richelieu,  and  his  tyranny,  his 
sanguinary  commissions,  and  his  cruelty;  Mazarin 
and  his  artifices,  which  rendered  contemptible,  the 
authority  his  predecessor  had  made  odious;  Lewis 
XIV.,  his  ruinous  magnificence,  his  useless  wars,  his 
persecutions,  and  dragonades.  The  true  authors  of  the 
revolution  were  absolute  power,  despotic  ministers, 
insolent  nobles,  greedy  favourites! 


235 


CHAPTER  X. 

Armies. — Public  Debts. 

We  have  now  to  treat  of  two  great  burdens, 
or,  rather,  of  two  great  ulcers  that  afflict  Europe ; 
scourges  unknown  to  antiquity;  Permanent  Armies, 
and  Pubhc  Debts,  as  permanent  as  the  first.  Europe, 
in  peace  as  in  war,  is  a  camp;  in  peace,  also,  as  in 
war,  she  tends  to  ruin;  in  peace  as  in  war,  there  are 
soldiers  every  where.  There  is  no  difference  between 
war,  and  peace,  but  that  of  dwelling  in  barracks,  or 
under  tents;  their  effect  is  the  same,  to  engulph  states, 
in  the  one  case  as  in  the  other! 

Descended  from  the  nations  of  the  North,  and  of 
Germany,  warlike  savages,  always  under  arms,  sa- 
crificing upon  altars  streaming  with  blood,  seated  in 
council  on  piles  of  arms,  referring  all  questions  to  the 
decision  of  force,  despising  all  civil  occupations,  the 
Europeans  have  inherited  the  military  habits  of  their 
ancestors;  as  well  as  their  political  and  social  institu- 
tions. From  them  the  two  great  scourges  of  Europe 
have  been  transmitted;  the  continual  bearing  of  arms, 
and  Feiydalism;  the  latter  was  the  natural  support  of 
the  former. 

To  have  armed  men  in  its  constant  service,  it  was 
requisite  to  have  vassals;  it  was  necessary  that  three- 


236 

fourths  of  the  population  should  be  born,  and  live  con- 
scripts, to  furnish  the  remaining  fourth  with  means  to 
sustain  its  warlike  habits. 

The  earth  must  annually  produce  a  crop(c)  of  sol- 
diers, as  of  its  other  fruits;  and  man  was  born  to  be 
harvested  by  the  sword,  as  wheat  by  the  sickle.     By 
means  of  this  native,  and  always  certain  reproduction 
of  recruits,  war  might  become  permanent  between 
city  and  city,  village  and  village;  and  each  casde 
might  always  pour  forth  its  armed,  and  destructive 
swarms  upon  the  surrounding  countiy.     All  honour 
was  found,  accordingly,  on  the  side  of  arms;  all  no- 
bility was  of  the  sword;  all  science  was  despised ;  all 
professions,  not  military,  were  held  in  little  esteem; 
the  sword  curbed  all,  commanded  all,  judged  all,  in 
fine,  it  was  all ;  without  the  sword,  at  that  period, 
no  rank  in  the  social  order.     There  were  no  regular 
armies ;  for  nations  themselves  were  armies,  and  were 
always  armed.     The  division  of  sovereignty  was  an 
obstacle  to  the  establishment  of  permanent  armies; 
armed  tribes  combated  other  armed  tribes,  and  thus 
generalized  the  state  of  war.     What  ages  of  pain,  and 
of  conflict  preceded  the  union  of  this  assemblage  of 
weapons  in  the  single  hand  of  the  prince ;  before  this 
ten'ible  right  of  the  sword,  which  had  appertained  to 
all,  "was  restricted  to  the  sovereign  alone!    This  aimed 
a  mortal  blow  at  Feudalism;  deprived  of  arms,  she 
resembled    a   city  whose   nmiparts  are   destroyed. 
Carthage  after  yielding  to  Rome  her  ships,  her  ele- 
phants, her  engines  of  war,  was  not  more  completely 
subdued,  than  Feudalism  was  subjected  to  the  throne, 
her  ancient  rival,  w'hen  arsenals  became  its  exclusive 
possession :  an  exclusive  arsenal  ^vould  be  the  master 


237 

of  tlie  world !  Feudalism,  the  smaller  sovereign,  fell, 
from  that  j)eriod,  at  the  feet  of  the  great  sovereignty; 
that  exercised  by  kings  in  the  name,  and  for  the  in- 
terests of  nations.  These,  being  entrusted  with  the 
defence  of  the  state,  which  always  has,  or  whicli  al- 
ways may  have  enemies;  were  bound  by  this  consi- 
deration, to  keep  on  foot  corps  of  permanent  troops. 
Their  origin,  and  gradual  increase  may  be  traced 
from  the  reign  of  Charles  VII,  the  epoch  of  their  es- 
tablishment down  to  our  own  times:  but  how  unlike 
have  they  become  to  their  original!  They  resemble 
each  other  in  one  point  only;  troops  caused  the  esta- 
blishment of  permanent  taxes,  as  they  have  never 
ceased  to  require  their  continuance.  The  one  is  a 
necessary  consequence  of  the  other.  Permanent  Ar- 
mies and  Finance  have  sprung  from  one  stock,  and 
form  two  trees  proper  to  blast  with  sterility  all  places 
their  destructive  shade  may  approach:  and  in  creating 
linance,  the  permanence  of  armies  has  more  than  ef- 
faced the  benefit  resulting  from  the  destruction  of 
Feudalism. 

When  a  state  supports  the  number  of  defenders 
required  by  its  exigencies,  it  then  merely  applies  to 
:his  part  of  its  preservation,  the  means  it  employs  also 
For  the  maintenance  of  all  other  parts  of  its  existence. 
The  evil  is,  therefore,  in  excess;  but  there  is  always 
excess  whenever  there  is  inutility,  danger,  and  op- 
pression. There  is  inutility,  when  the  power  to  imi- 
tate exists  e\'ery  uhere  You  raise  vast  armies,  but 
there  are  men  elsewhere;  and  as  many  of  them  will 
De  armed,  as  you  have  given  the  example.  From 
Xerxes,  down  to  Napoleon,  gi-eat  armies  have  been 
seen  to  meet  their  equivalents,  prepared  to  oppose 

Kk 


238 

them.     Are  these  great  armies  more  rapid  in  their 
motions  thj?n  small?  Assuredly  not:   little  machines 
are  more  moveable  tlran  great,  and  play  with  more 
iacility.  Are  they  more  decisive?  Not  any^  Twenty- 
two  thousand  men  give  Cesar^  at  Pharsalia,  the  em- 
pire of  the  world;  against  forty- four  thousand  who 
yerved  Pompay.     Perhaps  great  armies,  by  prolong- 
ing the  contest,  might  have  given  it  to  neither.    Alex- 
ander triumphs  over  Asia,  with  thirty-three  thousand 
men;  the  clouds  of  combatants  assembled  by  Darius, 
are  unable  to  defend  his  throne.     The  Macedonian 
hero  achieves,^  with  a  handful  of  men,  what  the  Ta- 
nierlanes,  the  Gengiskans,  must  drag  in  their  train 
whole  nations  to  effect.     Ten  thousand  men  in  the 
plains  of  Ivry,  decide  between  Henry  IV.  and  the 
Catholic  league.     Cromwell  commanded  less  than 
thirty  thousand  men,  when  he  remained  the  master  of 
England.     Conde  at  Rocroy,  saved  France  and  hum- 
bled Spain,  with  fewer  than  twenty  thousand  comba- 
tants ;  and  Turenne  acknowledged  that  he  began  to 
feel  embarrassed  when  he  had  more  than  thirty  thou- 
sand men  to  command.     The  number  of  armies  is 
not  therefore  a  force ;  is  not  an  absolute,  but  only  a 
relative  power.     If  tliey  can  be  opposed  by  others  as 
numerous,  what  will  their  augmentation  have  pro- 
duced, except  the  ruin  of  both  parties?     Then  the 
victory  may  be  claimed  by  the  last  half  crown ;  and 
such  a  triumph  flatters  courage,  as  little  as  the  under- 
standing!    Henry  IV.  never  maintained  a  permanent 
f  :)rce  of  more  than  twenty  thousand  men ;  he  was  res- 
pected in  Europe,  and  was  about  giving  her  a  new. 
political  code.    Sully  was  grand  master  of  an  artillery, 
consisting  of  fewer  pieces  than  are  required  for  a  di- 
vision of  modern  armies.     Le^^•is  XIII,  during  his- 


239 

wars,  which  were  of  long  continuance,  kept  up  a  force 
of  eighty  thousand  men;  it  is  true  also  that  his  finances 
felt  it  severely ;  when,  lo !  at  the  end  of  thirty  years, 
Lewis  XIV.  presents  to  Europe,  panic  struck,  armies 
'of  four  to  five  hundred  thousand  men,  drawn  from 
;a  population  not  exceeding  eighteen  millions  of  in- 
Ihabitants;  an  enormous  burden,  and  more  oppressive 
than  that  imposed  by  Napoleon  for  his  army  of  eight 
ihundred  thousand  men;  since  the  latter  has  numbered 
iforty-two  millions  of  subjects.     Lewis  XV,   in  the 
war  of  1740,  and  of  1756,  kept  on  foot  armies  of  four 
Ihundred  thousand  men.     And  what  was  its  result  at 
ithe  two  epochs?  a  proportionate  increase  in  the  forces 
of  the  enemies;  impoverishment  in  the  population; 
iruin  in  the  finances ;  the  peace  of  Utrecht,  and  the 
ipeace  of  1763,  both  dictated  by  these  enemies.     Un- 
<der  Lewis  XIV,  towards  the  close  of  the  war  of  the 
'Spanish  succession,  women  became  the  cultivators 
<of  the  earth ;  under  Lewis  XV,  in  the  senseless  war 
lof  1756,  the  grave  Rollin,  rector  of  the  university, 
was  carried  ofi:'  by  one  of  those  brisk  movements 
■which  substitute  the  seizure  of  men,  to  volu'^.tiry 
'enlistments;  and  which  recruit  armies,  as  in  H  I- 
iland  it  was  customary  to  provide  troops  for  Batavir. 
At  that  time  also  Prussia  was  seen  to  become  a  bar- 
rack ;   Austria  was  not  slow  in  presenting  a  similar 
metamorphosis;   and  Russia,  answering  the  signal, 
hailed  her  undisciplined  hordes,   bidding  them  form 
in  battalions,  rivals  to  those  of  Europe,  in  readiness 
to  become  their  masters.     Napoleon  had  founded 
his  power  on  a  basis  of  bayonets,  and  spears;  a  hurri- 
cane of  bayonets  from  tlie  North  has  subverted  it,  with 
the  throne  it  supported. 


i240 

What  is  the  use,  therefore,  of  tliese  gigantic  ar- 
mies which  crush  states,  but  defend  them  from  no- 
thing? What  is  their  use?  I  reply  without  hesita- 
tion, to  render  princes  enterprising;  and  the  people 
slaves.  But  I  claim  too  much;  for  these  are  the 
words  of  Frederic,  not  mine.  When  this  prince,  in 
one  of  his  works,  a  monument  of  his  ability  to  wield 
the  pen  as  well  as  the  sword,  details  the  motives 
which  induced  him  at  first  to  declare  against  Maria 
Theresa;  after  a  studied  enumeration  of  many  pre 
texts  which  we  are  at  no  loss  to  appreciate,  he  con- 
cludes widi  the  avov/al  that  the  aspect  of  his  fine  ar- 
my decided  him;  and  that  he  had  a  mind  to  play  on 
the  instrument,  which  he  found  in  such  excellent  tune! 
Thus  he  was  lanched  into  the  career  of  conquest,  by 
the  possession  of  means  to  conquer.  Thus  at  the 
dawn  of  the  revolution,  the  storm  was  clearly  seen 
gathering  which  soon  burst  upon  Europe,  by  the  ar- 
mament of  the  entire  nation. 

Ignorant  of  the  human  heart,  you  give  means,  and 
you  trust  that  their  aspect  will  not  excite  a  desire  to 
employ  them;  you  add  arms  to  arms,  for  armies  are 
nothing  else^  and  you  live  in  confidence  that  they 
will  remain  always  folded:  that  a  thousand  passions, ' 
a  thousand  interests,  a  thousand  irritations,  will  not 
put  them  in  movement!  Wait  a  moment,  and  you 
wil^see  whether  you  can  arrest  them.  You  are  un- 
apprized  then  what  motives  of  pride,  of  confidence, 
of  ambition,  result  from  the  possession  of  arms: 
place  a  sword  in  the  hands  of  any  man,  and  you  \vil} 
see  if  he  shall  believe  it  is  always  to  be  kept  in  the 
scabbard.  How  often  have  kings  been  forced  to 
yield  to  the  wishes  of  an  army,  weary  of  a  long  peace; 


241 

as  generals  are  sometimes  compelled  to  lead  into 
battle  their  imprudent  soldiers,  inflamed  by  the  pre- 
sence of  the  enemy ! 

In  1806,  Prussia  owed  her  disasters  to  the  ascen- 
dency over  the  government  acquired  by  the  army;- 
^\ar  proceeded  from  the  barracks  of  the  life  guards 
and  dragoons;  and  not,  in  its  natural  order,  from  the 
cabinet.  Likewise  in  France,  the  armed  multitude 
in  1792,  had  declared  war  a  long  time  before  the 
legislative  assembl}-;  which  merely  served  it  as  a 
herald  of  arms.  Great  armies  therefore  are  not  re- 
prehensible for  their  inutility  only;  they  are  besides 
the  efficient  principle  of  wars,  by  the  excitement  they 
bring  with  them:  but,  which  is  still  W'orse,  what  en- 
couragement do  they  not  present  to  despotism?  Of 
what  must  he  not  feel  himself  capable  who  disposes 
of  such  a  force?  how  its  aspect  must  speak  to  the 
eyes,  and  appeal  to  the  heart  of  a  young  prince,  im- 
patient of  the  control  of  laws!  Armies  are  therefore, 
in  the  very  nature,  in  the  essence,  of  despotism. 
I.  By  the  effective  power  they  place  in  the  hands  of 
the  prince:  II.  By  the  nature  of  the  militaiy  profes- 
sion. 

It  is  all  obedience  to  the  chief.  To  multiply  the 
bonds  of  this  passive  order,  is  to  w  ithdraw  as  many 
supports  from  the  civil  order;  and  to  furnish  so  many 
means  to  prevail  against  it.  The  soldier,  a  machine 
under  arms,  litde  enlightened  by  his  education,  is  not 
the  judge  of  the  orders  he  receives;  he  has  more 
learnt  to  obey,  than  to  question;  he  may  be  led  to- 
wards an  object  he  knows  not;  and  thus  become  the 
destroyer,  of  what  he  should  be  the  preserver.  In 
civil  discords,  he  cannot  but  be  a  very  ill  judge  of 


242 

the  controversy;  he  sees  the  ensign,  he  has  sworn 
to  it;  honour  chains  him  to  it,  he  follows  it,  the 
blind  instrument,  and  the  victim  in  turn  of  the  hand 
that  guides  it.  All  probabilities,  as  well  as  all  his 
apparent  and  perceptible  duties  incline  him  to  side 
with  his  chiefs;  and  these  havef  more  military  interests, 
than  civil  affections;  it  is  the  common  position  of  the 
warrior.  The  soldier  absorbs  the  citizen.  How 
many  places  are  there  in  which  the  army  is  educated, 
and  organized  with  patriotism  enough  to  defend  the 
country,  and  the  laws  against  an  usurper;  or  an  exten- 
der of  his  power?  On  the  contrary,  have  not  armies, 
from  Caesar  down  to  our  own  times,  decided  upon 
all  civil  controversies,  and  cut  all  the  Gordian  knots 
of  policy?  A  thousand  are  known  to  have  taken 
side  with  their  chiefs,  against  their  country;  one  only 
is  known,  the  English  army  in  1688,  which  has  taken 
the  side  of  country,  against  its  chiefs.  In  Sweden, 
Gustavus  subverts  the  constitution  with  a  few  regi- 
ments. In  England,  Cromwell  dissolves  with  his 
red  brethren  the  formidable  body  which  had  subver- 
ted the  throne;  he  closes  against  it  the  gates  of  par- 
liament; he  orders  away,  as  a  vile  gewgaw,  the  mace 
which  had  shattered  the  sceptre. 

In  Russia,  Catharine  receives  the  throne,  from  the 
hands  of  those  who,  twelve  hours  before,  had  been 
her  husband's  guards! 

May  heaven  ever  avert  from  England  the  divisions 
which  fnight  lead  the  prince  to  employ  the  interference 
of  the  army!  Perhaps  this  would  offer  a  last,  and 
irreparable  example  of  their  dangers;  perhaps  it  would 
prove  Madame  de  Stael  to  have  been  flagantly  mis- 
taken in  the  confidence  she  reposes  in  the  patriotism, 


243 

and  intelligence  of  an  army  composed  of  the  des- 
cendants of  the  oldest,  the  most  fervent,  and  the  most 
enlightened,   votaries  of    liberty:    perhaps   England 
\vould  be  compelled  to  bid  a  last,  and  an  eternal  adieu 
to  this  divinity;  whose  worship,  ever  contested  by 
thrones,  and  those  nearest  to  thrones,  appears  little 
adapted  to  be  celebrated  by  the  soldiers  of  Waterloo; 
dazzled  by  the  fires  which  flash  from  their  arms, 
proud  of  their  waving  plumes,  and  flattered  by  a  sen- 
timent of  superiority,  which  the  soldier  affects  over 
the  citizen;  led  by  a  Chief  more  schooled  in  fields  of 
Mars,  than  in  the  forum  of  Westminster.     It  is  to  be 
feared,  they  would  more  remember  the  laurels  they 
have  acquired,  than  their  duties  as  citizens;  and  lest 
they  may  celebrate  the  obsequies   of  liberty  witli 
peals  from  the  same  clai'ions  which  elsewhere  have  an- 
nounced their  legitimate  victories!  for  the  last  agony 
of  public  liberty  has  always  been  sounded  by  mili- 
tary flourishes.     In  a  single  day,  the  pretorian  bands 
trampled  into  the  city  the  inhabitants  of  Rome,  over 
the  dead  bodies  of  twenty  thousand  of  their  fellow- 
citizens.     In  all  times  and  countries,  it  has  been  ob- 
served, that  the  soldier  engages  the  citizen  with  more 
unrelenting  fury,  than  the  enemy  himself;  the  death 
of  the  latter  contents  him;  but  the  former  he  must 
insult,  as  well  as  massacre.     The  question  of  the 
civil  superiority  over  the  military,  is  not  sufficiently 
clear  in  the  eyes  of  the  soldier,  and  too  often  he 
would  rejoice  to  refer  it  to  the  arbitration  of  force. 

Great  standing  armies  are  in  themselves  so  great 
an  evil,  that  they  form  the  obstacle,  or  the  pretext 
for  an  obstacle,  to  the  establishment  of  the  greatest 
good  a  nation  can  enjoy;  that  of  a  free  constitution. 


244 

England,  it  has  often  been  said,  may  have  a  good  con- 
stitution, because  she  has  not  a  large  standing  army: 
but  France,  a  continental  power,  and  therefore  com- 
pelled to  maintain  a  very  numerous  army,  is  unable 
to  adopt  the  same  mode  of  government.  Excellent! 
but  of  all  that  could  be  said  against  great  armaments» 
could  any  thing  be  conceived  to  condemn  them  more 
effectually,  to  plead  louder  against  them,  than  this  in- 
terdiction of  what  they  most  need,  fulminated  against 
every  people.  What,  forsooth!  a  people  must  want  a 
constitution,  because  it  pays  a  great  army!  it  must 
endure  this  positive  expense,  and  the  privation  of  all 
the  benefits  this  army  prevents!  because  it  maintains 
u  numerous  army,  it  can  neither  have  good  laws  nor 
extirpate  the  vices  of  its  institutions!  it  must  be  utter- 
ly ruined  because  it  contributes  the  pay  of  numerous 
troops!  it  must  be  a  slave,  because  it  has  many  de 
fenders  that  are  such!  But  nay;  it  is  precisely  be- 
cause a  great  army  cannot  be  dispensed  w  ith,  that  a 
strong  constitution  is  of  absolute  necessity;  because 
the  prince  possesses  great  means  to  raise  himself 
above  the  laws,  barriers  must  be  erected  which  he 
cannot  overleap;  and  thus,  in  all  this  question,  the 
attempt  to  raise  an  obstacle,  has  only  created  a  mo- 
tive. England  already  complains  that  a  long  war, 
the  multitude  of  grades,  the  glare  of  arms,  the  illu- 
sion of  military  decorations,  have  infected  the  public 
spirit  of  her  people;  she  fears  it  may  become  oblite- 
rated by  this  new  direction;  thus  estranged  from  the 
civil  order  by  the  seduction  of  arms;  always  irresisti- 
ble when  addressed  to  the  young.  Young  men,  like 
the  Achilles  of  fable,  are  always  ready  to  seize  upon 
arms;  and  of  all  the  objects  that  can  be  offered  tliem. 


245 

liiey  will  not  be  seen  to  balance  in  th6ir  choice;  ii 
will  always  fall  in  favour  of  arms.  If  from  considera- 
tions of  Social  Order  we  descend  to  those  of  Finance, 
it  ^^•ill  be  found  that  the  mass  of  taxes  and  of  debts 
•\Ahich  crush  all  states  alike,  proceeds  I.  from  the 
maintenance  of  too  numerous  armies;  II.  from  wars, 
waged  with  these  armies.  The  military  department' 
of  each  state,  absorbs  nearly  half  its  revenue;  includ- 
ing pensions  for  services  of  ancient  date.  The  army, 
the  fleet,  the  military  pensions  and  others  amount, 
in  France,  to  an  entire  half  of  the  rex'enue;  the  same 
calculation  is  applicable  to  the  other  states  of  Europe. 
Suppose  war  to  arrive.  The  expenditure  must  be 
doubled,  trebled,  quadrupled:  but,  where  are  the 
means  to  -come  from?  The  ordinary  revenues  will 
no  longer  suffice:  loans  are  therefore,  the  only  re- 
source: and  what  loans!  Behold  future  generations 
mortgaged,  and,  as  it  were,  devoured  in  advance. 
Behold  also,  the  condition  to  which  loans  have  redu- 
ced all  the  states  of  Europe.  At  the  approach  of 
v^'ar,  a  part  of  the  objects  of  ordinary  consumption  in 
Europe,  advance  to  prices  which  exceed  the  facul- 
ties of  the  greater  number.  We  commence  with 
being  ruined,  with  the  prospect  of  being  conquerors, 
or  conquered,  or  perhaps  defended:  and  the  preludes 
to  Tc  Deiim^  are  groans  and  bankruptcies.  To  fol- 
low the  rules  of  reason,  must  not  states  commence 
by  regulating  their  armies  according  to  their  reve- 
nues; and  the  number  of  their  bayonets  by  that  of 
their  crowns?  For  in  the  final  analysis,  in  politics, 
as  in  economy,  we  must  always  have  reference  tr^ 
these. 


246 

A  state  of  general  and  durable  peace  appears  to 
result,  1.  From  the  general  system  of  Europe; 
2.  From  the  union  and  intentions  of  the  principal 
powers;  and  ought  it  not  to  be  the  first  fruit  of  this 
peace,  so  much  desired,  and  so  long  delayed,  for  all 
to  lay  down  arms  at  once?  By  disarming  with  com- 
mon consent,  all  would  find  themselves  upon  the 
aame  ground,  as  if  equally  armed;  for  power  results 
not  from  armies  in  themselves,  but  from  the  relative 
force  of  armies.  By  disarming  at  the  same  time,; 
all  would  find  themselves  equally  strong.  And  short 
of  this,  how  can  it  be  thought,  how  can  it  be  said, 
we  are  at  peace?  If  each  continues  to  maintain  all 
the  troops  he  can  support,  it  is  little  better  than  being 
at  war;  and  to  call  it  peace,  would  be  an  error.  One 
power  keeps  on  foot  three  hundred  thousand  men:  I 
must  have  an  equal  number,  says  a  neighbouring 
power.  Not  for  any  exigency  of  his  own  does  he 
require  this  army,  but  on  account  of  his  neighbours 
armament;  the  evil  entirely  consists,  therefore,  in 
comparison.  Let  one  disarm,  all  are  ready  to  do  the 
same:  the  example  only  is  wanting.  We  argue  not 
against  a  necessary  force;  our  objections  apply  merely 
to  what  is  superfluous:  for  in  this  superfluity  is  the 
source  of  the  mischief. 

And  as  if  permanent  armies  were  not  enough,  Eu- 
rope superadds  a  new  establishment,  designated  in 
each  country  by  diflerent  denominations;  tmlitiay  na- 
tional guards ^  fcncihles^  landwhers^  landstw'mm,  in  a 
word,  whatever  is  not  regular  army.  Thus  entire 
nations  are  transformed  into  armies;  an  immense 
fund,  always  ready  to  feed  the  already  overgrown 
scoure-e  of  standing  armies.     These  sitccedaneous 


247 

armies  compose  the  great  mass  of  the  European  po- 
pulation. The  result  of  peace  for  Europe  is,  there- 
fore, to  render  her  exckisi\'ely  a  soldier!  Where  \v\]\ 
this  military  mania  stop?  What  will  be  its  result?  It 
impels  each  state  to  maintain,  at  the  same  time  what 
ruins  itself,  and  also  ruins  its  neighbours;  by  the  ter- 
ror resulting  from  this  hostile  vicinity. 

The  number  of  soldiers  in  Euroj^e  is  immense: 
they  must  be  counted  by  millions  of  men;  we  must 
count  also  by  millions  the  expense  of  their  daily  main- 
tenance; they  devour  all. 

The  people,  every  where,  exhaust  themselves  in 
toil  and  sweat,  to  sustain,  very  poorly,  these  millions 
of  soldiers. 

Russia  has  formed  an  army  of  more  than  eight 
hundred  thousand  men;  in  this  we  perceive  the  very 
source  of  the  evil. 

This  armed  mass  intimidates  all  states;  each  deems 
it  necessary  to  answer  with  an  army  as  equal  as  pos- 
sible. Austria,  and  Prussia  will  keep  on  foot,  there- 
fore, all  the  troops  they  can  support;  and,  besides,  all 
their  population  will  live  under  military  laws  of  pre- 
caution. The  king  of  the  Netherlands  seeing  with 
solicitude  the  great  armaments  of  France,  and  of  Prus- 
sia, will  likewise  arm  all  he  can;  the  Germanic  con- 
federation, in  its  turn,  will  raise  a  formidable  force; 
Bavaria,  Wurtemberg,  Baden,  will  make  great  efforts 
to  give  themselves  an  attitude  worthy  of  some  atten- 
tion; and  Piedmont  himself,  placed  between  France 
and  Austria,  will  believe  his  security,  on  either  hand, 
attached  to  an  army,  such  as  never  was  possessed 
by  the  princes  who  founded,  or  have  maintained  this 
rotate.     Thus  fear,  precautions,  and  example,  spread- 


248 

ing  from  one  to  another,  Europe,  in  the  midst  of  pro- 
found peace  proclaimed  with  solemnity,  will  find  her- 
self armed  as  in  the  time  of  a  desperate  war. 

The  Europeans  have  not  learnt  to  do  like  the  Ro- 
mans; who,  returning  from  war,  laid  aside  the  mili- 
tary habit  and  resumed  that  of  citizens;  in  modem 
Europe,  on  the  contrary,  men  sleep  mounted,  as  if 
the  enemy  were  at  the  gates;  their  helmets  on,  their 
lances  couched; — accosting  each  other  as  allies;  and 
leaning  on  swords,  tliey  embrace.  By  peace,  as  in 
war,  the  sword  is  alu'ays  present;  ever  menacing  to 
imitate  that  of  Brennus,  weighing  the  tributes  of 
Rome. 

In  the  actual  times  this  unfortunate  necessity  of 
maintaining  a  numerous  military,  proceeds,  chiefly, 
from  the  injudicious  arrangements  of  the  congress  of 
Vienna;  which  are  always  in  view.  In  placing  Rus- 
sia above  and  facing  Austria;  by  separating  the  dif- 
ferent parts  of  Prussia;  the  congress  imposed  a  la^v 
both  upon  Austria,  and  Prussia,  to  remain  strongly 
armed.  Their  armies,  these  living  citadels,  must 
serve  them  instead  of  ramparts.  Prussia  is  equally 
destitute  of  frontiers  on  the  side  of  France;  and  here, 
also,  she  must  make  front  with  soldiers.  By  apply- 
ing the  same  principle  to  other  states,  we  find  them 
all  compelled  to  remain  armed,  and  ruined  on  account 
of  their  gi'eat  armaments.  To  all  these  scourges, 
another  still  must  be  added;  for,  the  series  of  evils 
once  commenced  can  never  be  arrested.  We  no 
longer  see  the  prince  surrounded  by  guards — but  ai- 
mies.  The  object  is  no  lo,nger  the  security  of  his 
person,  or  the  decoration  of  the  throne;  here  all  limits 
are  exceeded;  and  no  pretext  of  utility  can  be  assign- 


249 

ed.  Meainvhile,  it  is  a  service  uhicli  presents  many 
attractions.  Access  to  the  prince,  residence  in  capi- 
tals, privileged  promotions,  liberal  appointments, 
splendid  uniforms,  precedence  over  other  corps  of  the 
army,  jealous  with  reason  of  so  many  prerogatives, 
all  are  found  united  to  render  these  troops  the  object 
of  every  wish,  and  the  aim  of  all  ambition.  What 
mean  around  the  throne  these  numerous  battalions, 
glittering  with  all  that  is  most  brilliant  in  art,  or  daz 
zling  in  war;  this  splendour,  which  becomes,  among 
citizens,  a  motive  to  emulate  military  luxury?  Are 
they  assembled  for  the  safety  of  the  prince?  But  is 
an  army  the  only  means  to  secure  his  safety  ?  and 
from  what  can  one  man  be  defended  by  an  arm}-  ?  As 
prince,  an  army  assembled  about  him  is,  therefore,  an 
avowal  of  fears  and  suspicion;  the  thickness  of  the 
rampart  only  betrays  the  intensity  of  ten'or;  it  resem- 
bles the  offerings  ex  votOy  whose  magnitude  is  rather 
an  emblem  of  extraordinary  panics,  than  of  grateful 
piety.  But,  in  case  of  division  with  a  nation,  (for  against 
nations  these  guards  are  intended,)  from  what  would 
a  guard  defend?  Would  it  not  finally  act  with  the  na- 
tion? Securities  must  be  sought  elsew  here;  they  art- 
found  in  good  laws;  in  the  love  and  gratitude  of  na- 
tions; in  their  attachment  to  the  prince,  as  the  source 
of  their  prosperity;  as  the  first  link  in  the  whole  chain 
of  tlieir 'interests.  These  are  solid  guards,  \\hich 
can  never  be  shaken. 

Hume  remarks,  that  the  Tudors,  the  most  desj)o 
tic  of  the  English  sovereigns,  had  no  guards.     Au- 
gustus walked  the  streets  of  Rome  with  the  simplicity 
of  a  private  citizen;  his  successors  of  the  lowering 
brow.  their  breast  covered  bv  the  terrific  head  of  the 


250 

Gorgon,  ended  tragically.  The  poniard  of  a  resolute 
man  easily  cleared  its  way  through  their  Cohorts; 
while  the  Titus's,  the  Antonines,  tasted  days  of  tran- 
quillity, abandoning  themselves  to  die  guard  of  a 
people  who  watched  to  preserve  its' protectors.  His- 
tory makes  no  mention  of  the  guards  of  St.  Lewis; 
Charles  V.,  Lewis  XIL,  kept  only  a  small  number 
about  them;  by  degrees  they  increased;  and  Lewis 
XIV.  no  longer  deigned  to  appear,  except,  like  the 
monarchs  of  the  East,  in  the  midst  of  a  golden  cloud, 
which  gave  to  all  his  excursions  die  appearance  of  a 
triumphal  march.  Europe  has  to  thank  this  prince 
for  a  two- fold  pest,  the  luxury  of,  armies,  and  of 
courts;  they  both  date  from  him;  and,  however  de- 
structive and  ruinous  may  have  been  his  wars,  his 
pomps  have  cost  Europe  still  more. 

Superficial  observers  have  attributed  the  ruin  of  the 
monarchy  to  the  diminution  of  this  guard;  as  if  a 
ffew  thousand  men,  more  or  less,  would  have  been 
able  to  prevail  against  an  entire  nation;  and  suffice  to 
arrest  it  in  the  career  it  had  commenced.  They 
would  have  been  crushed  and  overwhelmed  by  the 
avalanche,*  with  what  they  attempted  to  defend. 

The  impressions  of  the  Czar  Peter  will  be  recol- 
lected, at  the  aspect  of  these  troops  resplendent  with 
gold,  and  composed  of  men  whose  faces  were  ex- 
posed to  the  fire  of  the  enemy;  while  their  coats  .^ 
would  have  perished  by  exposure  to  the  rain. 

Napoleon  had  formed  of  the  guard  a  real  army, 
the  glory  of  the  French,  and  the  terror  of  the  armies 
of  Europe,     Honour  be  rendered  to  this  phalanx, 

•  The  fall  of  a  mountain-crag,  or  of  a  glacier;  comraon  in  the  Alps,  at 

O^herfiigh  tnounlaic^, 


t 


251 

which  had  never  its  equal;  and  of  which  it  may  be 
said,  as  Corneille  says  of  one  of  his  heroes,  the  last 
— was  an  illustrious,  sigh.  A  sublime  expression, 
which  will  never  be  forgotten,  which  Greece  and 
Rome  would  have  envied  France,  signalized  the  close 
of  its  career,  and  affixed  the  last  seal  to  its  gloryl 
This  corps  had  nothing  in  common  with  its  prede- 
cessors. The  luxury  of  Darius  glittered  upon  the 
guards  of  Lewis  XIV.  The  imperial  guard  was  the 
phalanx  of  brass  which,  under  Alexander,  marched 
to  the  conquest  of  Asia. 

But,  in  the  victorious  hands  of  a  chief,  such  a  corps, 
the  ardour  of  whose  affections  equals  that  of  its 
achievements,  which  breathes  only  combats,  and 
lives  only  by  obedience,  is  as  dangerous  for  liberty  as 
a  social  instrument;  as,  against  the  enemy,  it  is  admi- 
i"able  as  an  engine  of  war.  Accordingly,  as  it  won 
for  this  chief  many  laurels,  it  added,  also,  much  to 
his  power;  and  would,  alone,  have  maintained  it;  if, 
in  the  nature  of  things,  its  continuance  had  been  pos- 
sible. 

A  state  of  continual  war  may  endure  a  corps  of  this 
nature.  Its  dangers  are  compensated  by  its  mobility; 
by  the  distance  of  the  places  it  then  inhabits;  by  its 
occupation  in  the  business  of  war;  but  returning  to 
reside  in  the  interior,  soldiers  of  the  capital,  infected 
by  the  voluptuousness  of  modern  Capuas,  often,  at 
the  instigation  even  of  their  chiefs,  claiming  to  inter- 
fere; they  would  be  seen  to  mingle  in  the  debates 
and  interests  of  the  city,  and  take  a  part  in  them 
which  can  never  become  those  who  bear  arms  in  the 
name  of  country;  it  would  necessarily  become  a  party 
io  political  debates;  it  would  be  introduced  into  them 


252 

by  the  different  factions,  who  would  seek  to  gain  h 
to  their  support;  its  first  corrupters  would  be  its  own 
chiefs,  and  it  would  be  always  from  the  midst  of  this 
corps,  that  other  armed  corps  would  receive  the  sig- 
nal to  interfere  in  political  debates.  A  too  striking 
example  has  been  presented  in  the  revolution,  to  leave 
any  doubt  as  to  what  must  be  expected  in  regard  to 
this.  The  establishment  of  these  permanent  armed 
corps,  about  the  persons  of  princes,  introduces  au 
embarrassing  complication  in  governments,  extreme- 
ly difficult  to  direct. 

It  has  been  remarked,  at  the  commencement  of 
this  chapter,  that  the  permanence  of  armaments  was 
an  importation  from  the  north,  made  by  barbarians. 

There  exists  a  second,  which  claims  a  similar  ori- 
gin. I  allude  to  the  military  costume,  and  occupa- 
tions, become  general  among  the  Princes,  and  the 
Great  of  Europe.  We  are  indebted  to  Germany  for 
tliis  change;  which  represents  princes  as  military, 
rather  than  as  civil  chiefs. 

In  times  anterior  to  the  revolution,  as  well  in  France 
as  in  all  the  south  of  Europe,  neither  princes  nor 
others  put  on  the  military  costume  excepting  at  par- 
ticular occasions;  civil  forms  w"ere  alone  admitted,  and 
received;  all  images  of  war  were  concentrated  at  the 
frontiers;  all  images  of  peace  were  seen  in  the  inte- 
rior, and  filled  it  exclusively.  Military  men  laid  aside 
all  marks  of  the  profession,  on  their  return  to  their 
families  and  home.  The  Germans  and  people  of  the 
north,  stamped  with  rudeness  of  manners,  devoled 
to  the  life  of  a  garrison,  alone  passed  their  lives  in 
harness;  alone  still  resembled  the  old  paintings  of  our 
ancestors,  which  present  them  grasping  a  dagger,  and 


253 

all  their  limbs  eternally  imprisoned  between  walls  of 
brass. 

Free  England,  enfranchised  from  so  many  other 
restraints  and  prejudices,  was  never  infected  with 
this  military  mania;  with  her,  a  military  parade  is  ne- 
\'er  permitted  to  mingle  its  dread  with  the  pleasures 
which  assemble  peaceable  citizens:  all  joy  would  dis- 
appear at  its  aspect.  But,  at  present,  the  manners  of 
the  North  have  completed  the  invasion  of  Europe. 
Courts,  private  habitations,  have  become  a  species  of 
tents,  where  all  has  taken  a  military  appearance;  the 
military  coat,  happy  usurper  of  the  civil  dress,  is 
even  displayed  upon  form.s  for  which  it  seems  to  have 
been  least  intended;  and  wherever  the  great,  and  au- 
thorities are  seen  to  repair,  it  is  always  among  sol- 
diers they  take  their  seats  and  are  perceived. 

Let  homage  the  most  just,  be  rendered  to  defend- 
ers of  country!  Let  their  services  be  honoured,  and 
their  blood  revered  as  it  deserves!  Who  would 
think  of  retrenching  the  smallest  part  of  this  hard 
earnt  tribute  of  gratitude!  But  what  has  this  in  com- 
mon with  military  appearances,  and  the  continual  re- 
hearsal of  acts  from  the  military  profession?  Does  it 
even  tend  to  enhance  our  consideration  for  the  mili- 
tary, to  see  its  gorgeous  apparel  assumed  by  all  with- 
out distinction;  when  it  equally  designates  and  con- 
founds him  who  has  united  the  reality  of  war  to  its 
image,  with  the  pacific  hero  who  has  only  achieved 
— its  brilliant  appearances?  For  the  man  whose 
martial  exploits  have  raised  to  distinction,  it  may  be 
considered  as  a  species  of  endowment;  while  in  him 
who  has  ever  ke))t  at  a  prudent  distance  from  the 

^f  m 


254. 

hiiock  of  arms,  it  can  only  be  recognised  as  a  vain 
parade,  and  a  caricature.  Thus  multiplied  reviews  m 
in  the  midst  of  peace,  must  appear  but  the  parodies 
of  those  required  by  the  nature  of  things,  when  Eu- 
rope was  one  field  of  Mars.  Other  times,  other 
cares. 

The  diffusion  of  the  military  spirit  is  opposed  to 
that  which  discovers  itself  in  Europe,  and  which  in- 
clines her  towards  the  establishment  of  representa-  , 
tive  government,  as  her  uniform  mode  of  existence,  i 
Now,  the  nature,  tendency,  and  effects  of  this  go-  j 
^ernment  are  so  many  contradictions  which  clash 
\vith  the  military  spirit.  Opinion  is  the  soul  of  the 
former;  force,  of  the  latter;  liberty  is  the  aim  of  re- 
presentative government;  passive  obedience  of  the 
military;  the  civil  order,  is  the  object  of  representa- 
tive government;  to  which  the  military  is  foreign,  or 
rather  hostile.  For  the  good  order  of  the  state, 
therefore,  a  just  proportion  must  be  established  be- 
tween the  two,  that  the  state  may  be  defended,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  libert}'^  preserved:  To  produce 
this  harmony  between  them,  is  the  chief  excellence 
and  the  greatest  difficulty  of  governments. 

It  follows  from  these  considerations,  that  Europe 
suffers  greatly  from  the  excess  of  her  mihtary  esta- 
blishment; that  she  derives  from  it  no  utility;  that  the 
disarming  of  one,  would  cause  others  to  follow  the 
example;  that  great  armies  are  contrary  to  her  gene- 
ral spirit,  \\hich  disposes  her  to  civil  occupations; 
and  that  a  happier  occasion  could  not  be  offered  to 
realize  a  wish,  equally  sanctioned  by  reason  and  hu- 
manity, than  the  epoch  in  which  the  hand  of  the  m.ost 
powerful  princes  of  Europe,  closing  at  length   the 


255 

temple  of  Janus,  has  sealed  under  its  bolts  the  mon- 
ster of  war;  and  when  their  voice  has  proclaimed  that 
all  their  forces  shall  be  employed  to  retain  him  in 
captivity.  By  their  means  will  be  realized  what  the 
poet  has  said, 

Bt  centum  vinctus  ahcnis 
Post tergum  nodis,  freruet  honiilus  ore  cruento. 

But  there  is  still  another  scourge,  which  remains 
to  be  considered: — the  public  debts  of  states. 

At  this  sinister  name,  I  see  all  the  fortunes  of 
states  disappear,  and  all  their  virtues.  These  debts 
are  of  two  natures;  funded,  and  floating.  In  the  first 
case,  their  malignity  is  restricted;  they  simply  over- 
whelm nations:  in  the  second,  they  also  vitiate  their 
morality.  As  they  have  multiplied,  they  have,  ne- 
cessarily become  floating,  for  the  greater  part;  there 
are  more  refits  for  sale,  than  persons  disposed  to 
buy  them,  for  the  purpose  of  permanent  revenue. 
All  that  part  not  thus  constituted,  floats,  passes  from 
hand  to  hand;  circulates  continually  in  quest  of  buyers 
and  loss  or  gain,  never  reposes.  Its  price  is  a  deceitful 
thermometer  of  the  public  fortune;  for  the  state  owes 
not  the  capital,  but  only  the  interest;  there  is  no  fixed 
term  for  reimbursement.  The  accidental  value  of 
these  effects  resembles  that  of  commodities,  which 
are  valuable  according  to  the  competition  of  buyers. 
The  purest  diamond  without  buyers,  has  no  more 
value  than  the  most  common  stone; — ws^res  left  upon 
the  market,  have  no  value  when  all  wants  are  satisfi- 
ed. It  is  therefore,  the  satisfaction  of  the  wants  of 
all,  which  fixes  the  price  of  public  debts;  when  these 
wants  have  absorbed  what  is  required  to  supply  them. 


256 

the  res'duary  part  of  the  debt,  has  only  a  con- 
ventional value;  for  it  may  happen  that  a  purchaser 
cannot  be  found,  and  its  possessor,  who  bought  it 
originally  as  an  article  of  commerce,  is  reluctantly  com- 
pelled to  hold  it  as  a  Tent. 

His  situation  resembles  that  of  a  man,  obliged  to  re 
ceive  the  interest  of  a  bill  of  exchange,  the  principal 
of  which  he  should  be  unable  to  realize.  In  times 
anterior  to  the  revolution,  almost  all  the  debts  of 
states  were  funded;  a  thousand  circumstances  have 
caused,  at  present,  that  the  smallest  part  of  them  only 
takes  this  direction;  all  the  rest  floats,  encumbers  the 
markets,  and  constitutes  the  glut  of  public  effects, 
which  compose  the  exchequer  balances  offered  for 
sale  in  all  the  exchanges,  and  in  all  the  gazettes  of 
Europe. 

But  whatever  the  nature  of  these  debts,  they  have 
general  and  common  effects,  which  demand  our  no- 
tice. Under  one  form  or  other,  they  absorb  the  re- 
venues of  States. 

They  deprive  governments  of  their  independence ; 
whoever  wants,  whoever  owes,  is  not  free;  govern- 
ments commence  with  the  alienation  of  their  fortune, 
and  end  with  that  of  their  liberty.  At  their  side  start 
up  rival  powers,  nay  more,  superior  powers,  who 
command  them  in  the  name  of  an  irresistible  authority; 
that  of  their  wants,  of  necessity ;  they  ultimately  de- 
cide upon  peace  and  war,  upon  all.  Where  is  the 
prince  who  would  dare  to  engage  in  an  enterprise, 
opposed  by  the  great  bankers  of  Europe?  It  Avould 
be  necessary  to  have  made  peace  with  them,  before 
any  thoughts  of  making  war  upon  other  sovereigns; 
the  colossal  fortunes  they  possess,  make  it  necessary 


I 


257 

to  propitiate  them;  lest  they  should  throw  all  into  confu- 
sion, by  too  sudden  operations  on  the  medium  of  circu- 
lation. A  signature  on  their  part  has  power  to  raise  all 
the  billows  of  financial  tempests,  as  the  trident  of  Nep- 
tune could  appease  the  angry  oceani  The  wants  of 
states  are  immense;  they  are  numbered  by  thousands  of 
millions ;  but  these  thousands  of  millions  come  not  to 
offer  themselves;  they  must  be  sought  for.  The  spe- 
cies of  agents  familiarized  with  the  pursuit  of  this 
treasure,  accustomed  to  follow  it  through  all  its  rami- 
fications, must  necessarily  be  in  high  estimation ;  it  is. 
at  the  same  time  very  precious,  and  very  dear.  Thev 
are  indispensable,  consequently,  in  final  analysis,  they 
are  the  real  masters  of  the  state.  The  scene  of  Lewis 
XIV,*  with  Samuel  Barnard  is  renewed  every  day. 
All  governments  wear  the  chains  of  their  servants; 
and  far  from  aspiring  to  break  them,  ambitious  of  cap- 
tivity, their  sole  study  is  to  increase  the  number. 
Priests  of  Plutus,  and  magicians,  armed  with  a  \vand 
which  riches  have  learnt  to  obey,  they  pursue  gold 
and  silver  from  country  to  countr}- ;  they  displace  and 


*  Desmarets,  minister  ol'  finance,  from  1709  till  the  death  of  Lewis  XIV, 
in  a  very  critical  state  of  the  exchequer  invited  .Samuel  Barnard  to  Marly, 
while  the  court  was  there.  Tlie  king  perceiving  tliem  togethfi-,  said  to  the 
banker,  ♦'  You  have  never  seen  Marly  ;  you  shall  see  it  as  1  take  my  prome- 
nade; and  when  I  have  shewn  you  the  place,  you  shall  return  to  Desmarets.'' 
Barnard  fallow  ed  ;  and  during  the  walk  he  was  held  in  convcrsiition  by  the 
king,  who  carried  him  to  see  every  thing ;  and  entertained  him  with  the  atten- 
tion, and  the  graces  which  he  so  well  knew  how  to  employ,  wlien  he  felt  in- 
clined to  ovenuhdm. 

This  conduct  of  Lewis  XIV  towards  Barnai'd  was  an  expedient  of  Desma- 
rets to  procure  money.  He  succeeded  beyond  liis  hopes.  Barnard  returned 
from  the  promenade  enchanted  with  the  king;  he  said  he  would  raliier  incur 
the  risque  of  ruining  himself  than  to  leave  such  a  monarch  under  enibarrass- 
inent;  and  although  mudi  was  already  due  him,  he  offered  to  lend  the  minis- 
ter a  larger  amount  than  he  liad  purposed  to  ask  of  him  See  J\[em.  Due  dt 
St.  Simond. 


258 

transport  them;  at  their  voice  these  treasures  approach, 
retreat,  multiply,  retire,  appear  or  vanish;  to  day  in 
one  place,  and  to-morrow  in  another.  All  the  trea- 
sure of  Europe  is  attracted  towards  these  great  re- 
servoirs; and  when  private  men  would  approach  them, 
die  high  prices  condemn  them  to  want,  or  else  to  be 
crushed.  The  interest  of  sums  obtained  in  this  mode, 
form  enormous  burdens;  corresponding  taxes  are  re- 
quired;  and  following  generations,  devoured  before 
born,  find  themselves  loaded  with  the  sad  inheritance 
of  the  errors,  or  profusions  of  their  fathers.  The 
sudden  transportation  of  riches  from  one  country  to 
another,  keeps  all  fortunes  in  a  state  of  suspense,  and 
baffles  all  calculations ;  cupidity  is  inflamed  by  the 
spectacle  of  rapid  fortunes,  than  which  nothing  acts 
more  powerfully  upon  the  mind  of  man ;  labour  and 
industry  fall  into  contempt,  as  means  of  wealth  too 
slow,  and  too  limited :  the  world  is  soon  changed,  as 
it  were,  into  a  gaming  table,  around  which  desperate 
gamblers  are  reciprocally  occupied  in  taking  advantage 
of  each  others  errors,  and  ruining  themselves  by 
transfers  of  conventional  values.  In  a  moral  view, 
public  debts  have  become  horrible  scourges;  real 
cancers,  which  corrode  the  hearts  of  men,  and  the 
fortunes  of  states.  Europe  at  this  moment  offers  a 
memorable  example  of  the  danger  of  opening  this  field 
to  financial  speculations.  This  is  the  third  time  in 
the  space  of  an  hundred  years,  it  has  been  presented : 
the  bank  of  Law,  the  assignafs^  and  the  great  Loans  of 
1815  to  1818.  In  a  part  of  Europe  the  public  fortune 
has  been  seen  to  collapse,  like  a  balloon  in  which  an 
aperture  should  release  its  gaseous  contents.  It  has 
been  seen  to  decline  towards  the  point  of  greatest  de- 


259 

pression,  in  the  most  disastrous  epoch  of  war;  we. 
have  seen  all  calculations  disappointed,  embarrass- 
ments propagated  from  one  country  to  another ;  and 
a  simultaneous  etfort  to  escape  from  the  wreck,  but 
increasing  the  number  of  victims. 

"We  have  seen  fortunes,  which  towered  like  moun- 
tains, sink  and  crumble  into  grains  of  sand;  the  irre 
gular  ebb  and  floxv  of  this  sea,  has  overwhelmed  the 
colossal  masses  which  had  been  constructed  upon  its 
treacherous  surface;  leaving  to  the  stings  of  remorse 
and  despair  their  deluded  possessors. 

Then  the  secret  \Aas  known  which  had  veiled  all 
these  operations;  to\\  ards  the  conclusion  of  the  game, 
the  parties  interested  in  its  chances  were  all  of  one 
mind  to  offer  each  other,  mutually,  what  they  all  had 
bought  to  sell  again.  The  remedy  has  aggravated 
the  evil,  in  a  two-fold  manner;  1.  It  has  tended  to 
increase  the  quantity  of  the  species  of  property  thus 
offered  at  a  sacrifice;  2.  It  has  proved,  that  after  this 
remedy,  no  other  was  possible,  and  that  this  was  the 
last  relief.  The  government,  individuals,  societies, 
have  made  sacrifices;  what  have  they  prevented? 
They  have  expended  their  money  to  no  purpose;  they 
have  put  themselves  in  the  place  of  the  speculators, 
and  the  speculators  have  taken  theirs;  the  proposed 
relief  has  had  similar  effects  to  \^  hat  would  be  pro- 
duced, if  a  commercial  house,  in  the  midst  of  a  gene- 
ral suspension  of  payments,  should  announce  that  it 
would  pay  all  its  notes  on  presentation;  is  it  not  evi- 
dent that  all  the  paper  of  Paris  would  be  offered  it; 
and  that  before  the  close  of  day  it  would  not  have  a 
crown  left;  but,  besides  that,  effects  to  the  amount  of 
millions  would  have  been  attracted  and  remain  depre- 


260 

ciated  before  the  door,  again  closed,  where,  at  the 
commencement  of  the  day,  such  punctuaHty  had  been 
observed? 

The  succours  once  given  are  not  of  a  nature  to  be 
renewed;  and  the  public,  impressed  with  this  idea, 
lias  a  full  view  of  the  evil,  in  all  its  extent;  aggra- 
vated by  its  known  incapacity  of  remedy.  And  a 
clear  proof  that  this  evil  proceeds  from  no  real  dis- 
tress, that  its  source  is  not  in  the  nature  of  things, 
arises  from  the  consideration  that  it  exists  at  a  mo- 
ment of  increasing  prosperity  in  the  finances;  of  abun- 
dance in  the  harvests;  of  a  diminution  of  burdens  by 
the  evacuation  of  the  territory,  and  the  confirmation 
of  peace. 

Such  an  order  of  things  is  evidently  incompatible 
\vith  the  return  of  morals,  which  there  is  so  much  ap- 
parent solicitude  to  procure.  Every  thing  should  be 
done  that  may  tend  to  close  this  abyss,  from  which 
so  many  malignant  vapours  arise;  and  though  altoge- 
ther impossible  to  effect  it  at  once,  yet  reason  dictates 
that  nothing  should  be  neglected  to  accomplish  it 
gradually,  by  applying  all  the  means  which  states  can 
dispose  of  to  this  object;  principally  by  the  retrench- 
ment of  a  vain  luxury;  by  the  prompt  dismission  of 
foreign  troops;  and  by  the  sale  of  all  the  crown  lands, 
and  immoveable  property  remaining  at  the  disposal 
of  the  state. 

Note  (c). 

The  constitutions  of  the  greater  part  of  the  states 
of  Europe  are  founded,  even  at  the  present  day,  on 
the  Code  of  Conquest.  "  Without  doubt,"  says  M. 
Constant,  "and  this  explains  why  so  many  obstacles 


S61 

to  the  establishment  of  Hberty  are  encountered  in  our 
own  times.'*'  The  pohtical  writers  of  antiquity  com- 
mit power  exclusively  to  the  hands  of  the  higher 
classes. 

Aristotle  makes  this  condition  an  essential  part, 
even  of  a  well  constituted  Democracy.  On  the  con- 
trary, since  the  revival  of  letters,  the  advocates  of 
liberty  ha\'e  never  thought  its  establishment  possible 
without  the  abolition  of  predominant  casts.  They  have 
seen  enemies  in  the  class,  considered  by  the  ancients 
as  guides.  Is  there  not  an  historical  cause  for  this 
opposition  of  views?  Among  ancient  nations,  the  in- 
habitants, if  not  all  indigenous,  were  so  confounded 
%vith  the  colonies  which  had,  not  conquered,  but  civil- 
ized them,  that  it  was  impossible  to  distinguish  the 
heterogeneous  parts  in  the  same  community;  the  in- 
equality of  ranks  always  originated  in  a  moral  or  phy- 
sical superiority;  slaves  are  to  be  accounted  as  cyphers 
in  the  ancient  social  system,  and  therefore  make  no 
exception. 

Nobles,  among  the  ancients,  w"ere  fellow  citizens 
enjoying  superior  opulence,  and  consideration  be- 
cause their  ancestors  had  deserved  well  of  society  in 
its  infant  state.  In  modern  Europe,  on  the  contrary, 
the  inequality  of  ranks  proceeds  from  the  most  re- 
volting origin,  from  conquest;  the  civilized  inhabi- 
itants  of  the  Roman  empire  were  shared  out  like  herds 
of  cattle  among  their  ferocious  conquerors.  The  in- 
stitutions of  Europe  have  retained  for  ages  the  im- 
pression of  military  force.  Vanquished  by  the  sword, 
and,  by  the  terror  of  the  sword  continued  in  servi- 
tude. Their  masters  have  not  even  deigned  to  dis- 
:^uise  by  ingenious  fables,  or  to  render  respectable  by 

N  n 


2&2 

pietensions,  well  or  ill  founded,  to  superior  wisdom 
the  principle  of  their  power.  The  two  races  have 
been  long  perpetuated  without  other  reciprocity  of 
relations,  than  subjection  on  the  one  part,  and  oppres- 
sion on  the  other.  All,  even  the  names  of  the  con- 
querors, retraced  to  the  vanquished  the  invasion  of 
their  wasted  possessions,  the  massacre  of  their  unfor- 
tunate ancestors,  and  the  humiliation  bequeathed  as 
their  eternal,  and  almost  only,  inheritance;  or,  if  these 
haughty  masters  substituted,  in  place  of  their  original 
and  barbarous  appellations,  names  more  familiar  and 
known — they  were  the  names  of  provinces  become 
their  prey!  All  things,  from  the  fourth  to  the  thir- 
teenth century,  reminded  civilized  but  conquered 
Europe,  of  the  scourges  she  had  suffered  from  the 
North.  The  human  species  has  been  long  in  recover- 
ing from  this  horrible  degradation !  Long,  indeed! 
since  the  writers  of  Europe  still  find  it  necessary  to 
continue  the  war  against  the  chimeras  of  absolute 
power;  the  phantoms  of  Feudalism  or  Aristocracy; 
and  the  substantial  grievances  of  great  standing  ar- 
mies, and  the  prodigal  expenditure  they  involve. 

The  preceding  observations  are  from  the  pen  of 
M.  B.  Constant,  member  of  the  French  Chamber  of 
Deputies;  the  colleague  and  friend  of  the  Marquis 
de  la  Fayette.  If  destitute  of  other  interest,  in  a 
country  whose  soil  has  never  been  trampled  by  the 
haughty  foot  of  a  conqueror,  these  sketches  of  the 
deformities  which  have  existed,  and,  some  of  which 
still  exist,  in  countries  where  knowledge  and  refine- 
ment have  made  great  advances,  and  are  extensively 
diffused,  will,  at  least,  present  the  attraction  of  con- 
trast; and  serve  as  a  foil  to  enhance  the  lustre  of  the. 
^em  xve  possess. 


26^ 


CONSTITUTIONAL  QUESTION 

Upon  the  Evacuation  of  France. 

The  occupation  of  a  country  may  be  of  two  des 
criptions;  temporary,  or  permanent;  made  by  foreign 
ers  for  their  own  account;  or  by  foreigners  as  auxil- 
iaries, paid  by  the  country  itself,  and  serving  in  its 
name. 

A  permanent  occupation  by  corps  of  foreign  troops, 
would  be  an  actual  division  of  the  sovereignty,  and  a 
direct  interruption  to  the  liberty  of  a  nation. 

It  would  no  longer  command  wherever  these 
foreigners  should  be  found;  on  the  contrary  it  might 
find  itself  commanded,  and,  virtually,  would  be  so: 
it  would  experience  constraint  in  its  resolutions  and 
in  the  exercise  of  its  rights,  from  the  fear  e\"er  in- 
spired by  an  armed  corps  at  another's  disposal.  This 
consideration,  in  all  times  and  countries,  has  been 
the  motive  of  jealousies  and  precautions  against  any 
foreign  troop,  which  presented  itself  under  whatever 
pretext.  The  same  motive  of  liberty  and  security, 
has  caused  to  be  regulated  with  precision,  whatever 
relates  to  the  passage  and  admission  of  any  descrip- 
tion, conceded  to  foreign  troops.  Nations,  like  fami- 
lies, are  bound  to  defend  their  interior  from  the  intro- 
duction of  whatever  makes  not  a  pai't  of  it.     They 


264. 

are  sacred  asylums  which  ought  not  to  remain  open 
except  for  their  members,  or  the  directly  interested. 

On  the  other  hand,  corps  of  foreign  troops  in  the 
pay  of  a  country,  may  be  considered  under  many  re- 
lations essentially  different. 

Whether  more  or  less  numerous; 

Whether  the  country  be  a  republic,  or  a  monarchy; 

Whether  they  approach  the  prince,  more  or  less: 

Whether  they  can  participate,  or  even  be  invited 
to  participate,  in  the  affections  of  the  inhabitants; 
whether  they  may  be  at  once  to  some  the  object  of 
complacency,  and  that  of  jealousy  to  others. 

Whether  the  country  be  or  be  not  sufficient  for  its 
o^^'n  defence. 

Whether  these  troops  are  employed  only  in  case 
of  war,  and  for  the  time  of  its  continuance. 

The  subject,  as  is  seen,  presents  a  great  number 
of  relations  and  views. 

In  two  particulars,  France  has  suifered  much  from 
the  presence  of  foreigners,  money  and  honour;  but 
especially  the  latter;  the  money  would  have  been 
doubled  and  carried  to  the  frontier,  if  that  ^vould  have 
prevented  its  violation.  After  so  many  years  of  tri- 
umph, how  is  it  possible  to  become  accustomed  to 
see  at  home,  the  standards  and  uniforms  of  tlie  ene- 
my, not  brought  there  by  victory:  the  national  pride 
must  have  suffered  a  martyrdom  of  every  day,  of 
every  moment  at  their  presence,  by  any  other  title 
than  that  of  capture.  Europe  has  justly  appreciated 
the  degree  to  which  this  pride  was  wounded;  and 
has  regulated  her  measures  by  the  dangers  of  an  in 
creasing  irritation,  in  the  breast  of  a  great  people. 
Prudence  is  sometimes  a  sage  counsellor  for  gene- 


265 

rosity;  and  the  well-advised  eagerly  offer,  what  they 
would  be  unable  to  withhold  without  danger. 

Europe  has  restored  France  to  herself,  and  freed 
her  from  the  embarrassing  burden  of  her  troops. 
France  cheered  their  departure  with  a  cry  of  joy. 
Behold  her,  therefore,  evacuated  by  all  that  has  en- 
tered her  territory,  against  her  will;  let  us  now  con- 
sider what  relates  to  that  which  has  entered,  and  re- 
mains in  the  midst  of  her,  ivithout  her  iv'iU'^  let  us  see 
how  far  this  evacuation  can  be  deemed  complete,  so 
long  as  there  shall  exist  in  her  bosom  a  permanent 
foreign  army,  unknown  to  the  legislature.  It  is  per- 
ceived, that  I  refer  to  the  Swiss  army  residing  in 
France.  France  also  possesses  a  German  corps, 
which  has  no  other  title  for  this  admission  into  her 
bosom,  except  having  constituted  a  part  of  the  corps 
denominated  the  army  of  Conde."^' 

Here  a  serious  question  presents  itself;  and  one 
that  certainly  appertains  to  the  constitutional  system. 
It  follows: 

The  introduction  of  a  corps  of  foreign  troops,  sub- 
ject to  laws  of  internal  discipline,  of  formation,  of  re- 
compense, of  appointments  peculiar  to  itself,  is  it 
legal  without  the  sanction  of  the  three  branches  of 
the  legislature;  or  \^'hether  does  this  right  of  introduc- 
tion result,  necessarily,  from  the  right  to  conclude 
treaties  attributed  to  the  prince  by  the  constitutional 
act?  Is  it  a  necessary  derivative  from  this  right  to 
treat  with  foreigners?  To  treat  with  those  who  re- 
main without,  for  the  interests  of  a  nation;  or  to  intro- 
duce foreign  troops,  and  permanently  establish  them 

*  The  lei^ion  of  Hohenlohe. 


266 

within;  are  these  similar  things,  or  do  they  flow  one 
from  the  other? 

Such  is  the  question,  which  arises  upon  the  intro- 
duction of  these  troops  by  virtue  of  the  right  to  con- 
clude treaties;  for  no  other  origin  can  be  assigned  it; 
a  question  which  has  not  yet  been  examined  by  these 
principles.  A  few  words  have  been  thrown  out, 
rather  as  hints,  than  gi"ounds  of  reasoning;  as  provo- 
cations to  the  immediate  action  of  opinion,  rather 
than  appeals  to  reflection;  as  incitements  to  discuss, 
rather  than  discussions  purposed  to  connect  with  the 
constitutional  system.  This  order  of  constitutional 
ideas  I  purpose  to  lead  to  the  present  question,  and 
to  examine  it  by  their  application.  As  this  order  is 
all  of  calmness  and  of  reason,  they  only  should  be 
employed  in  the  inquiry.  The  object  is  not  to 
irritate;  nor  to  constrain;  still  less  to  excite  tumult; 
but  simply  to  enlighten,  to  class,  and  to  convince. 
Tlie  greatest  of  all  known  forces  is  light  generally 
diffused. — Enlightened  opinion,  is  the  soul  of  repre- 
sentative government;  the  force  of  all  government  is 
in  conformity  with  its  principle;  and  the  most  perfect 
conformity  with  this  government  is  found,  therefore, 
in  light  communicated  to  public  opinion.  It  is  ac- 
cordingly sufficient  to  elucidate  the  question  of  righ+ 
to  intioduce  a  foreign  armed  force,  as  a  consequence 
of  the  right  to  conclude  treaties.  If  the  connexion 
between  the  two  things  cannot  be  assigned  it  will  fol- 
low,—not  that  these  troops  must  be  dismissed  imme- 
diately; but  that  their  presence  must  be  authorized  by 
the  three  branches  of  the  legislature, — before  it  will 
be  legal. 

When  the  prince  comprehended  in  his  single  pei 


^67 

son  these  three  branches,  he  uas  under  no obhgatioji 
to  demand  the  consent  of  any  other.  But,  since  the 
division  has  been  made,  it  is  evident  the  procedure 
which,  in  the  first  case,  was  alloualDle,  cannot  take 
place  in  the  second.  Now  such  is  the  state  of  things 
in  France.  The  legislative  power  is  divided.  Con- 
sequently, the  same  action  as  when  concentrated  in 
one  only,  is  inadmissible.  In  our  constitutional  sys- 
tem, the  mode  of  recruiting  and  of  promotion  is  sub- 
ject to  the  regulation  of  the  legislature;  and  there 
shall  exist  a  permanent,  foreign  army,  not  subject  to 
this  control !  The  legislature,  then,  does  not  rule  all 
the  parts  of  society,  of  the  territory,  of  the  powers 
exercised  upon  its  surface;  there  are,  therefore,  two 
States  in  the  State.  To  conclude  from  the  right  to 
treaty  the  right  to  introduce  permanent  foreign  troops, 
is  to  draw  a  conclusion  from  a  principle  with  which 
it  has  no  correspondence.  Treaties  are  made  for  the 
advantage  and  in  the  interest  of  nations.  Rights, 
and  especially  such  as  imply  serious  consequences  at 
the  expense  of  third  parties,  must  not  be  supposed, 
if  they  cannot  be  supposed,  as  it  respects  individuals, 
how  much  more  should  they  be  scrutinized,  when 
nations  are  interested !  rights  only  exist  according  to 
the  sense  in  which  they  were  understood  by  the  par- 
ties contracting;  now,  the  nation  certainly  never 
"uiderstood  that  the  right  given  to  conclude  treaties, 
made  in  its  interests,  would  include  that,  of  conclud- 
ing treaties  from  which  such  a  burden  should  result, 
as  the  maintenance  of  a  foreign  army.  This  con- 
struction evidently  combines  surprise,  ambiguity,  and 
^^  reference  to  the  past.  Now  the  affairs  of  nations  can 
(;  negotiated  by  neither  of  the  three;  nor  can  all  of 


268 

them  constitute  rights.  The  constitutional  system 
has  been  more  anciently,  and  better  established  in 
England  than  any  other  part  of  Europe;  in  that  coun- 
try the  introduction  of  foreign  troops  is  always  the 
object  of  a  positive  law;  the  legislature  would  not 
tolerate  any  deviation  in  this  respect,  more  than  any 
other  irregularity;  nay  more,  the  national  troops  them- 
selves are  also  placed  under  its  control,  for  the  bond 
of  discipline  and  military  authority  must  annually  re- 
ceive a  new  sanction  from  the  legislative  body.  Be- 
cause in  England  liberty  is  the  chief  concern  and 
principal  aim  of  government;  and  they  know  in  that 
country  how  fatal  to  it  the  interference  of  the  military 
may  prove. 

England  is  the  only  country  of  Europe  in  which 
all  is  transacted  civilly;  elsewhere  all  things  are  per- 
formed in  the  military  style;  not  even  the  public 
amusements  escape  an  interference  of  the  military; 
upon  the  continent,  even  pleasure  is  courted  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet;  and  temples,  too  often,  as  if 
consecrated  to  the  god  of  war,  resound  with  the  din 
of  arms,  and  instruments  proper  to  inflame  the  desire 
of  carnage!  The  prince,  as  he  ought,  is  the  chief  of 
the  army;  none  but  him  can  be  such;  but  he  com- 
mands only  the  legal  army;  he  cannot  create  one  for 
himself.  If  the  legislature  have  no  voice  in  it;  if, 
especially,  the  prince  be  permitted  to  introduce  fo- 
reign troops,  then  he  becomes  both  prince  and  con- 
queror of  the  same  state;  he  can  impose  laws  upon 
the  state,  by  the  hands  of  men  who  are  destitute  of 
its  affections;  and  herein  consists  the  danger  of  fo- 
reign troops.  National  troops  present  not  the  same 
inconveniences:   and,   accordingly,  absolute  princes 


269 

have  always  been  over-fond  of  foreigners.  The  mi- 
litary' profession  of  itself  abounds  with  inconveniences 
to  the  civil  and  political  order  of  a  country;  they  are 
tempered  by  the  sentiment  of  country;  this  is  the 
soldier's  pledge,  and  every  military  man  has  need  of 
it.  But  the  foreign  soldier  ofiers  none;  he  can  have 
no  affection  but  for  him  who  employs,  pays,  and  re- 
wards him.  The  right  to  introduce  foreign  troops 
would  be  less  dangerous  in  a  republic:  because  the 
people  have  less  to  appreltend  from  their  magistrates, 
than  from  a  prince;  the  ]:)ower  of  the  first  tends  less 
to  usurpation  than  that  of  the  second;  and  therefore 
this  establishment  presents  fewer  dangers  under  the 
republican,  than  under  the  monarchical  system.  By 
introducing  foreign  troops  into  France,  therefore, 
without  the  consent  of  the  legislature,  the  new  sys- 
tem has  been  concluded  from  the  old;  and  the  appli- 
cation of  what  took  place  in  ancient  times  has  been 
made  to  the  time  before  us.  This  irregularity  has 
proceeded,  1.  From  habit,  a  power  whose  empire  few 
can  escape;  2.  From  our  inexperience  in  the  legisla- 
tive career.  We  still  dwell,  as  it  were,  upon  the 
frontiers  of  two  countries,  foreign  to  each  other;  and 
when  we  build,  we  seem  to  delight  in  replacing  some 
stones  from  the  ancient,  in  the  modern  edifice. 

It  would  be  very  captious  and  very  idle  to  say, 
that  whatever  is  not  abolished  by  the  charter,  the  im- 
mediate work  of  the  prince,  must  be  preserved;  this 
allegation  would  scarcely  be  tolerable  for  secondary 
objects;  but  assuredly  it  never  has  been,  and  never 
will  be  understood  and  pretended  in  things  of  a  pri- 
mary and  elementary  class,  like  the  subject  we  treat. 

o  o 


270 

All  power  emanates  from  the  charter;  if  nothing 
oan  be  retrenched  from  it,  neither  can  aught  be  add- 
ed, especially  in  favour  of  power;  the  charter  sup- 
poses no  ancient  rights,  nor  derivatives  of  rights;  re- 
gularity is  the  essence  of  representative  government. 
It  allows  no  discords,  no  contradictions,  no  fancies. 
Nothing  can  enter  it,  nothing  can  be  maintained  un- 
der it,  but  that  only  which  the  order  of  principles 
permits  to  be  introduced  and  to  remain.  Whatever 
is  foreign  to  it,  or  contradicts  it,  must  inevitably  fall. 

The  Swiss  have  been  recalled  into  France,  as  the 
household  troops  were  re-established,  in  1814.  How 
often  was  it  asserted  that  this  marv^ellous  corps  had 
been  the  support  of  the  throne;  and  that  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  one  had  caused  the  ruin  of  the  other?  To 
create  anew,  therefore,  this  support,  was  the  object 
of  first  attention. 

For  a  time,  there  were  no  other  topics  of  conver- 
sation but  the  reds,  the  blues,  the  greens.  All  the 
young  were  seen  crowding  to  be  enrolled  in  these 
party-coloured  squadrons.  The  20th  of  March  ar- 
rived to  teach  the  value  of  this  support  for  the  throne. 
The  walls  of  Jericho  fell  not  more  easily  at  the  first 
bray  of  the  trumpet,  than  these  frail  ramparts  at  the 
first  explosion  of  the  tempest  of  that  day.  Truth  de- 
mands the  avowal  that  the  Swiss  army  has  not  found 
much  more  favour  in  tlie  minds  of  the  French,  and 
that  it  has  taken  no  invincible  hold  of  their  affections. 
This  arises  from  many  causes.  1.  The  French,  and 
every  people  should  do  the  same,  cannot,  but  with 
anguish  of  heart,  see  the  throne  surrounded  and 
guarded  by  foreign  soldiers.  Thirty  millions  of 
Frenchmen  will  ahvays  believe  themselves  sufficientr 


271 

ly  capable  of  performing  this  duty,  without  tlie  neces- 
sity of  demanding  the  succour  of  any  in  its  accom- 
pHshment.  But  the  custom  is  of  ancient  date;  the 
inveteracy,  I  had  almost  said,  the  opprobrium,  of  the 
disease,  is  not  its  cure.  The  French  of  the  present 
day  are  no  longer  the  French  of  other  times.  They 
see,  they  feel  and  know  things  upon  which  the  minds, 
and  the  eyes  of  their  ancestors  were  never  fixed. 
That,  which  at  one  time,  did  not  even  shock,  appears 
to  them  now  an  intolerable  deformity. 

Besides,  the  moment  of  their  introduction,  was 
very  ill  chosen.  An  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
foreign  soldiers  loaded  the  territory  with  an  oppres- 
sive and  shameful  weight;  and,  as  if  it  were  too  little, 
a  rear-guard  of  ten  thousand  Swiss  must  be  sought 
for  them,  and  a  German  regiment,  whose  acquain- 
tance France  is  doomed  to  cultivate  to  eternity.  The 
French  know  how  to  count;  and  finding  themselves 
thirty  millions  of  inhabitants  united  within  the  same 
borders,  they  naturally  demand  how  much  a  few 
thousand  men,  invited  from  abroad,  can  add  to  their 
real  force !  {d). 

There  has  been  time  in  which  states  have  sought 
foreign  troops  for  certain  qualities  which  appertained 
to  them  exclusively;  thus,  the  lansquenets,  the  Eng- 
lish archers,  the  French  gens  d^anns,  the  Swiss  in- 
fantry were  in  request,  as,  among  the  ancients,  the 
Cretan  slingers,  and  Numidian  cavalry  were  much 
sought  after.  But,  the  French  have  sufficiently 
shewn  that  they  had  no  need  of  succours,  or  of  mas- 
ters; and  that,  on  the  contrary,  they  could  serve  for 
both  upon  many  occasions.  Besides,  in  our  own 
times,  there  prevails  very  nearly  a  military  equality 


272 

between  all  nations:  and  the  cannon  has  placed  all 
upon  a  level. 

On  seeing  France  filled  with  veterans,  struggling 
with  the  wants  of  fortune  and  the  weariness  of  inac- 
tivity, their  brethren  who  have  so  often  admired  their 
exploits,  cannot  but  resent  with  great  emotion,  that 
posts  they  have  filled  so  well  should  be  occupied 
by  others. 

The  Swiss  army  is  too  numerous  for  a  state  of 
peace,  and  too  costly  for  the  finances. 

Under  Napoleon,  a  Swiss  army  was  but  a  grain  of 
sand,  lost  in  the  armed  mass  of  which  he  disposed; 
incessantly  occupied  in  war,  France  was  ignorant 
even  of  its  existence,  because,  she  did  not  perceive 
it  in  the  interior. 

But,  as  things  are  now,  it  is  a  real  army  of  the  in- 
terior, in  which  every  Frenchman  beholds  an  army 
of  compression.  In  fact,  how  is  it  possible  to  consi- 
der them  in  any  other  light  than  as  men  who  are 
strangers  to  the  affections  of  France;  understanding 
her  interests,  no  better  than  her  language;  executing 
with  rudeness,  orders  given  with  severity;  and  ever 
ready  to  signalize  their  fidelity,  at  the  expense  of 
French  liberty!  The  use  for  which  they  seem  re- 
served, is  sufficiently  indicated  by  a  thousand  indis- 
cretions of  men,  who  appear  impatient  to  see  them 
employed  with  promptitude  and  seventy,  and  desig- 
nate them  as  ?n  arsenal  erected  against  the  nation. 
Hence  much  hatred  and  umbrage;  which  cannot  be 
-charged  with  injustice. 

Unfortunate  events  sometimes  raise  walls  of  sepa- 
ration between  men,  and  dissolve  ties,  which  time 
had  cemented.     It  is  a  wise  and  prudent  policy,  not 


275 

to  precipitate  the  moment  of  reconciliation;  for  in 
this  case,  hands  are  more  surely  reconciled,  than 
hearts,  and  the  employment  of  the  first  is  not  safe, 
while  the  seoond  are  still  ulcerated. 

Honourable  titles  appertain,  without  doubt,  to 
foreign  corps;  but  this  is  a  question  of  rights, — not 
of  titles,  it  is  a  question  of  national  rights,  and  of  na« 
tional  property.  If  glory  gave  rights  to  nations  over 
each  other,  u  ho  would  be  independent  at  home?  and 
the  French  would  surely  have  more  right  to  guard 
the  Swiss,  than  the  Swiss  can  have  to  guard  France. 
Some  persons  are  not  yet  weary  of  repeating  that, 
although  England  can  dispense  with  foreign  troops, 
it  is  otherwise  with  France;  as  the  same  personages 
maintain  that  England  is  well  adapted  for  a  good 
constitution,  but  that  France  is  not:  we  may  postpone 
answering  them  till  they  shall  have  proved  that  thirty 
millions  of  Frenchmen,  are  of  less  worth  than  eig^h- 
teen  millions  of  Englishmen;  that  honour  and  justice 
may  be  due  to  the  one,  and  not  to  the  other;  and  in 
fine,  that  there  are  two  geometries,  the  one  English 
and  the  other  French. 

Two  thinsfs  follow  from  these  considerations: 

1.  That  the  question  of  the  introduction  of  a  corps 
of  permanent  foreign  troops,  appertains  to  the  consti- 
tutional system. 

2.  That  the  evacuation  of  France  by  foreigners, 
seems  to  be  the  most  seasonable  moment  to  examine 
it;  and  that  this  evacuation  will  not  be  complete,  until 
the  retreat  of  the  Swiss;  a  retreat  pressed  from  no 
motives  of  hatred  on  the  part  of  those  who  demand 
it;  but  which  implies  merely,  1.  A  return  to  the  con- 
stitutional system,  that  every  people  has  a  right  to 


274 

establish  and  maintain.  II.  A  return  to  the  law  of 
nations,  which  is  the  safe-guard  of  all,  because  it 
closes  equally  against  all  the  doors  of  their  neigh- 
bours, and  causes  each  to  be  independent  at  home; 
which,  assimilates  the  state  of  each  nation  to  that  of 
each  family,  for  nations  are  only  larger  families,  and 
govern  themselves  by  the  same  laws,  which  regulate 
private  families.  The  principle  is  the  same;  the  only 
difference  is  the  scale  upon  which  it  is  applied. 

Note  {d). 

In  the  preceding  note,  it  has  been  said  that,  "  the 
constitutions  of  the  greater  part  of  the  states  of  Eu- 
rope, have  been  founded  upon  the  Code  of  Conquest:^^ 
An  Italian  author,  not  so  well  known,  in  this  country, 
as  some  who  have  treated  the  same  subject  without 
equal  simplicity,  gravity,  exactness,  or  attraction, 
gives  the  following  account  of  our  origin;  and  the 
foundation  of  the  Code  of  Independence.  America, 
and  especially  some  parts  of  it,  having  been  discov- 
ered by  the  genius  and  by  the  intrepidity  of  Italians, 
received  at  various  times  as  into  a  place  of  asylum 
the  men  whom  political,  or  religious  disturbances 
had  driven  from  their  own  countries  in  Europe;  they 
postponing  the  endearments  of  country  and  natal  air 
to  the  security  these  distant,  and  desert  regions  pre- 
sented to  their  minds. 

Here  they  exerted  themselves  with  admirable  dex- 
terity, and  fortitude,  according  to  the  custom  of  those 
whom  the  fervour  of  opinions  agitates,  and  stimulates, 
in  subduing  the  wild  beasts,  dispersing  or  destroying 
pernicious  or  importunate  insects,  repressing  and 
bridling  the  barbarous  and  ferocious  tribes  that  inha- 


275 

bited  this  new  world;  draining  the  marshes,  controll- 
ing the  course  of  rivers,  clearing  the  forests,  furrowing 
a  virgin  soil,  and  committing  to  its  bosom  new  and 
unaccustomed  seeds,  and  thus  prepared  for  them- 
selves a  climate  less  rude  and  hostile  to  human  na- 
ture; more  secure  and  more  commodious  habitations; 
more  salubrious  food,  with  some  of  the  conveniences 
and  enjoyments  proper  to  civilized  life.     This  multi- 
tude of  emigrants  departing  principally  from  England 
in  the  time  of  the  last  Stuarts  landed  in  that  part  of 
northern  America  which  extends  from  the  forty  fifth 
to  the  thirty  second  degree  of  north  latitude,  and  there 
founded  the  colonies  of  Massachusetts,  of  Newhamp- 
shire,  of  Connecticut,  and  of  Rhode  Island,  which 
acquired  the  general  name  of  New  England;  and  at 
successive  epochs,  those  of  Virginia,*  of  New  York, 
of  Pennsylvania,  of  Delaware,  of  New  Jersey,  of  Ma- 
r}land,  of  the  two  Carolinas,  North  and  South,  and 
of  Georgia.     Nor  must  it  be  understood  that  because 
they  departed  from  the  land  in  which  they  were  bom, 
to  seek  in  foreign  regions  a  better  condition  of  life, 
they  abandoned  their  country  on  terms  of  enmity,  dis- 
solving every  tie  of  early  attachment;  but  that,  on  the 
contrar)%  besides  the  customs,  the  habits,  the  usages, 
and  the  manners,  of  their  common  country,  they  took 
with  them  privileges  conceded  by  the  royal  authority, 
whereby  their  laws  were  constituted  upon  the  model 
of  those  of  England ;  more  or  less  conformed  to  a  li- 
beral and  enlarged  government,  or  to  one  more  re- 
stricted, according  to  the  character  or  authority  of  the 
princes  who  granted  them ;  and  also  according  to  the 
greater  or  less  authority  which  the  people,  by  means 

•  Vii-ginia  was  founded,  hs  rs  known,  a  few  years  earlier  than  Massachtisetts. 


276 

of  their  organ  the  parliament  were  found  to  possess; 
for  in  those  times  of  civil  and  religious  discord,  when 
English  blood  was  shed  so  profusely,  these  things 
often  varied  surprisingly;  thus  each  province  or  colo- 
ny had  both  an  assembly  of  persons  elected  by  the 
people,  which  under  certain  limitations  exercised  the 
authority  of  parliament,  and  a  governor  who  under 
certain  restrictions  also,  exercised  the  power  of  the 
king,  and  represented  him  to  the  eyes  of  the  colonies. 
To  this  was  added  the  trial,  which  is  called,  by  Jury, 
not  only  in  criminal  matters,  but  also  in  civil  causes ; 
a  thing  of  the  highest  importance,  and  corresponding 
precisely  with  the  Judicial  System  of  England. 

But  in  point  of  religion  they  enjoyed  even  greater  la- 
titude than  in  their  parent  country  itself;  not  retaining 
the  hierarchy,  or  system  of  ecclesiastical  government 
and  dignity  established  in  England ;  having  even  bit- 
terly opposed  it,  and  this  contest  having  been  the  pri- 
mary and  principal  occasion  which  had  inclined  them 
to  this  long  and  perilous  peregrination. 

It  can,  therefore,  excite  no  surprise  that  this  gene- 
ration of  men  should,  not  only  have  had  their  minds 
imbued  with  the  maxims  which  constitute  the  basis 
and  principles  of  the  English  constitution,  but  that, 
not  content  with  this,  they  should  have  been  disposed 
to  establish  a  mode  of  government  more  liberal,  and 
a  liberty  more  entire.  Nor  that  their  minds  should 
have  been  inspired  with  the  fervour,  Avhich  is  naturally 
kindled  in  the  hearts  of  men  by  obstacles  which  op- 
pose their  religious  and  political  opinions,  and  still 
more  by  the  privations  and  persecution  they  have 
experienced  on  their  account. 

And  how  should  this  ardour,  and  this  excitement 


277 

of  exasperated  minds  have  been  appeased  in  the  vast 
soHtudes  of  America,  where  the  amusements  and  the 
diversions  of  Europe  were  unknown;  where  their 
continual  occupation  in  manual  toils  must  have  ren- 
dered their  bodies  like  steel,  and  their  minds  invinci- 
bly resolute  ?  If  in  England  they  had  been  averse  to 
the  royal  prerogative,  how,  as  to  this,  should  their 
opinions  have  been  changed  in  America,  where  none, 
or  few  vestiges  were  seen  of  the  royal  presence  or 
splendour?  where  the  same  avocatioji  being  common 
to  all,  that  of  cultivating  the  earth,  must  of  necessity 
have  created  in  all  the  opinion,  and  the  love  of  a  com- 
mon equality?  They  encountered  exile  in  times  when 
the  war  raged  most  fiercely  in  their  native  country 
between  the  king  and  the  people,  the  latter  contend- 
ing for  the  right  to  resist  the  W'ill  of  the  prince,  when- 
ever he  should  usurp  their  liberty;  and  also  for  that 
of  changing  the  succession  to  the  royal  crowji.  These 
rights  were  believed  by  the  colonies;  and  how  should 
they  have  been  refuted;  finding  themselves,  without 
the  present  protection  of  royal  authority,  to  lead  a 
tranquil  and  happy  life  in  their  nevv'  country,  although 
in  a  state  of  infant,  and  scarcely  }et  organized  so- 
ciety? The  laws  observed,  justice  administered,  the 
magistrates  respected, — offences  rare  or  unknown; 
persons,  property,  and  honour,  protected  from  all  vio- 
lation? They  believed  it  the  unalienable  right  of  every 
English  subject,  whether  freeman,  or  freeholder,  not 
to  give  his  property  ^vitllout  his  own  consent;  that 
only  the  house  of  commons,  as  the  representative  of 
the  English  people,  had  the  right  to  grant  their  mone\' 
to  the  crown;  that  taxes  are  free  gifts  of  the  people 
to  those  who  govern  them;  that  princes  are  bound  to 

p  p 


"278 

exercise  their  authority  and  employ  the  public  treasure 
for  the  sole  benefit  and  use  of  the  community.  Now, 
this  right  the  colonists  had  taken  with  them;  since 
the  privileges  of  Englishmen  could  not  be  forfeited 
by  distance,  or  change  of  climate;  and  since  they  had 
left  the  kingdom  with  consent  and  with  privileges 
from  the  royal  authority;  since  this  same  right,  not  to 
give  their  own  money  without  their  own  consent,  had 
been  solemnly  recognised  by  the  government  in  char- 
ters granted  to  many  of  the  colonies;  and  since  as- 
semblies or  courts  had  been  established  in  every 
colony  that  they  might  be  enabled  to  investigate,  and 
superintend  the  employment  of  the  public  money. 
And  how  should  the  colonies  have  renounced  such  a 
right;  they  who  derived  their  subsistence  from  the 
American  soil,  not  bought  or  given  by  others,  but 
acquired  and  possessed  by  themselves,  having  been 
the  first  to  occupy,  to  cultivate,  and  fill  it  with  useful 
and  productive  seeds?  Every  thing,  on  the  contrary, 
in  English  America,  tended  to  unprecedented  free- 
dom in  social  life ^  every  thing  appeared  to  favour,  and 
incline  towards  civil  liberty;  every  thing  looked  to- 
wards national  independence.  The  x^mericans,  for  the 
most  part,  were  not  only  protestants,  but  protestants 
against  protestantism  itself,  and  sided  with  those  who, 
in  England,  are  called  dissenters;  for,  besides  not  ac- 
knowledging as  protestants,  any  authority  in  the  affair 
of  religion  whose  decision  is  a  rule  of  faith  without 
other  examination,  and  claiming  to  be,  of  themselves, 
by  the  light  of  natural  reason  alone,  sufficient  judges 
of  religious  dogmas,  by  opposing  and  bitterly  con- 
demning the  heirarchy,  and  names  of  ecclesiastical 
dignity,  they  had  divested  themselves  of  all  that  de- 


279 

ference  and  resj^ect  which  men  naturally  feel  for  the 
opinions  of  those  who  are  constituted  in  eminent  sta- 
tions, respectable  on  account  of  the  honours  which 
are  usually  paid  them;  and  commanding  attention  by 
the  wealth  and  magnificence  which  are  seen  to  sur- 
round them.     The  intellects  of  the  Americans  being 
therefore  perfectly  free  upon  this  topic,  they  exercised 
also  the  same  liberty  of  thought  upon  other  subjects 
unconnected  with  religion,  and  especially  on  that  of 
government;  an  in\estigation  with  which  they  had 
made  themselves  extremely  conversant  during  their 
residence  in  their  original  country.     In  the  colonies, 
lawyers  abounded  more  than  in  any  other  country; 
who,  as  they  are  accustomed  to  distil  the  essence  of 
subtilty,  are  commonly,  in  a  country  governed  by  an 
absolute  prince  the  most  efficacious  advocates  of  his 
power;  and  in  a  free  country  the  most  useful  defen- 
ders of  liberty.     Thus  had  arisen  among  the  Ameri- 
cans an  almost  universal  acquaintance  with  tlie  acute 
disquisitions  which  appertain  to  the   professions  of 
theology  and  of  law;  discussions  which  often  gene- 
rate in  the  human  intellect  obstinacy,  and  pride  of 
opinion;  and  though  long  their  discourses  concerning 
political  and  civil  liberty,  they  always  believed  that 
more  might  be  said.     And,  as  polite  literature  and 
liberal  studies  had  already  made  very  considerable 
advances  in  America,  they  were  enabled  to  season 
these  disquisitions  with  the  graces  of  a  florid  elocu- 
tion; which,  while  on  the  one  hand,  it  fascinated  and 
flattered  the  supporters  of  these  opinions,  on  the  other 
it  served  to  enforce  them,  and  to  impress  them  more 
indelibly  on  the  minds  of  die  auditors.     The  republi- 
can maxims  became  a  common  doctrine;  the  memory 


280 

of  the  puritans,  and  of  those  who  in  the  sanguinary 
contentions  of  England,  had  espoused  the  cause  of 
the  people  and  thus  encountered  death,  was  immor- 
talized. These  were  their  apostles,  these  their  mar- 
tyrs. Of  these,  of  their  virtues,  of  their  achieve- 
ments, of  their  unhappy,  and,  to  the  eyes  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, so  honourable  exit,  the  rising  generation  heard 
their  fathers  continually  discourse. 

If,  before  the  revolution,  the  portrait  of  the  king 
was  usually  seen  in  every  house,  it  was  not  less  fre- 
quent also  to  find  on  either  side  of  it,  the  effigies  of 
those  who  in  the  times  of  Charles  I.  sacrificed  their 
lives  to  defend,  what  they  considered,  English  liber- 
ty. No  language  can  express  with  what  exultation 
they  had  received  the  news  of  the  victories  of  the 
republicans  in  England;  nor  with  what  grief  they 
heard  of  the  restoration  of  the  monarchy  in  the  per- 
son of  Charles  II.  Thus  their  inclinations  and  prin- 
ciples were  equally  in  opposition  to  the  English  state 
and  church;  and  though  naturally  moderate,  and 
guarded,  yet  expressions  frequently  escaped  them 
which  manifested  the  deepest  detestation  for  the  poli- 
tical and  religious  establishments  of  their  common 
mother.  Whoever  courted  popular  favour  indulged 
both  himself  and  his  hearers  by  inveighing  against 
these;  on  the  contrary,  the  heirarchists,  and  such  as 
favoured  England,  whose  number  was  never  great, 
were  discredited.  But  all  things,  particularly  in  New 
England,  concurred  to  keep  alive  the  germes  of  these 
propensities  and  opinions.  The  colonies  had  few 
bocks,  but  they  were  in  the  hands  of  ail,  and  mostly 
treated  on  political  subjects,  or  transmitted  the  his- 
tory of  persecutions  sustained  by  their  ancestors  the 


I 


281 

puritans.    These  having  been  persecuted  in  their  an- 
cient country,  for  their  opinions  in  matters  of  religion 
or  of  government  with  intrepid  deliberation  had  cho- 
sen to  abandon  it;  and  traversing  an  immense  ocean, 
had  taken  refuge  in  the  most  distant  and  inhospitable 
regions  to  be  enabled  freely  and  publicly  to  profess 
them;  for  so  noble  an  object  they  had  sacrificed  all 
the  accommodations  and  delights  of  that  genial  clime, 
V'here  they  were  born,  and  educated;  and  what  toils, 
•what  fatigues,  what  perils,  did  they  not  encounter 
upon  these  new  and  savage  shores?    All  things  had 
opposed  them;  their  bodies  were  unaccustomed  to 
the  extremes  of  cold  in  winter,  or  of  heat  in  summer, 
both  excessive  in  the  climate  of  America;  the  land 
covered  with  forests,  and  little  of  it  habitable;  the 
soil  rude  and  reluctant;  the  air  pestilential;  an  untime- 
Ij'  death  had  carried  off  most  of  the  first  founders; 
and  those  who  had  survived  the  contagion,  and  other 
calamities,  to  secure  their  infant  establishment  had 
been  forced  to  combat  tlie  natives,  a  ferocious  race, 
and  exasperated,  as  might  have  been  expected,  at 
seeing  a  foreign  people,  now  seen  for  the  first  time, 
and  never  before  heard  of,  come  to  appropriate  the 
country  of  which  they  had  so  long  been  the  sole  oc- 
cupants, and  masters.     The  colonists,  by  their  forti- 
tude and  courage,  had,  step  by  step,  at  length  over- 
come all  these  impediments;  which  result,  if  on  the 
one  hand,  it  ])rocured  them  greater  ti'anquillity  and  a 
better  condition  of  life,  on  the  other  it  inspired  greater 
assurance  and  self-confidence,  with  an  elevation  of 
sentiments  not  often  paralleled.    Also  as  the  prosper- 
ous or  adverse  events  which  a  generation  of  men  have 
^>hared  together,  and  the  recollections  which  attend 


282 

them,  have  a  singular  tendency  to  unite  their  minds^ 
their  affections,  and  their  sympathies,  so  the  Ame- 
ricans were  bound  to  each  other,  not  only  by  the  ties 
which  reciprocally  attach  individuals  of  the  same  na- 
tion by  the  identity  of  language,  of  laws,  of  climate, 
of  customs,  but  also  by  those  which  arise  from  a 
common  participation  in  all  the  vicissitudes  which  a 
people  may  sustain;  whence  they  presented  the  image 
of  these  congregations  of  individuals  who  live  not 
only  subject  to  the  laws  of  the  general  society  of  which 
they  are  members,  but  also  acknowledge  certain  par- 
ticular and  appropriate  rules  or  statutes  to  which  they 
have  voluntarily  pledged  their  obedience;  and  which 
are  wont  to  produce,  besides  an  uniformity  of  opi- 
nions, also  a  common  zeal,  and  enthusiasm. 

Nor  is  it  unworthy  to  be  remarked,  that  the  state 
of  society  in  the  American  colonies  rendered  the  in- 
habitants averse  to  every  species  of  superiority,  and 
inclined  them  to  liberty.  Here,  was  but  one  class  of 
men.  The  mediocrity  of  their  condition,  did  not 
invite  the  nobles  of  Europe  to  visit  their  shores; 
riches,  and  hereditary  honours  were  unknown  amongst 
them. 

Whence  no  vestige  remained  of  feudal  servitude. 
These  causes  were  of  a  nature  to  produce  a  general 
opinion,  that  all  men  are  by  nature  equal;  and  the  in- 
habitants of  America  would  have  found  it  difficult  to 
persuade  themselves  that  they  owed  their  lands,  and 
their  civil  rights — to  the  munificence  of  princes. 

Few  had  heard  mention  of  Magna  Charta;  and 
those,  who  were  conversant  with  the  history  of  that 
important  period  of  the  English  revolution  in  which 
this  compact  was  confirmed,  deemed  it  rather  a 


283 

solemn  acknowledgment  by  the  king  of  England,  of 
the  rights  of  the  people,  than  any  concession.  As 
they  referred  to  heaven  the  protection  which  had  con- 
ducted them,  through  so  many  perils,  to  a  land 
where  they  had  finally  found  that  repose  which  in 
their  mother  country  they  had  sought  in  vain;  and 
as  they  owed  to  its  beneficence  the  harvests  of  their 
exuberant  fields,  the  only  and  the  genuine  source  of 
their  riches;  so,  not  from  the  concessions  of  the  king  of 
Great  Britain^  but  from  the  bounty^  and  infinite  cle- 
mency of  the  king  of  the  universe^  did  they  derive 
every  right;  these  opinions  in  the  minds  of  a  religious 
and  devout  people  were  likely  to  have  deep,  and  tena- 
cious roots. 

From  the  vast  extent  of  the  provinces  occupied,  and 
the  abundance  of  vacant  lands,  every  colonist  was,  or 
easily  might  have  been,  at  the  same  time  a  proprie- 
tor, farmer  and  cultivator. 

Living,  and  taking  delight  in  a  country  life,  under 
their  own  eyes,  from  their  own  grounds,  and  often 
by  their  own  hands,  they  beheld  all  things  necessary 
for  human  subsistence  spring  up,  grow,  prosper  and 
arrive  at  maturity;  and  thus  found  themselves  free 
from  all  dependance  or  subjection:  and  individual 
liberty  is  a  powerful  incentive  to  civil  independence. 
Every  one  might  hunt,  fowl,  and  fish  at  his  pleasure 
without  fear  of  possible  injury  to  others;  banditti  and 
poachers  were,  therefore,  unknown  in  America. 
Their  parks  and  reservoirs  were  boundless  forests, 
vast,  and  frequent  lakes,  magnificent  rivers,  and 
waters  flowing  in  streams  of  every  name,  with  an  in- 
finite sea,  subject  to  no  restriction,  and,  more  than 
any  other,  abounding  in  txtxy  species  of  the  finny 
race. 


284 

As  they  lived  dispersed  in  the  fields,  one  here,  and 
another  there,  mutual  affection  was  thus  increased 
between  members  of  the  same  family,  and  finding 
their  pleasures  in  the  domestic  circle,  they  had  no  in- 
clination to  seek  them  abroad,  or  in  the  resorts  of 
idleness,  where  men,  too  often  contract  the  vices 
which  terminate  in  dependance,  and  habits  of  ser- 
vility. 

The  greater  part  of  the  colonists  being  proprietors 
and  cultivators  of  land,  they  lived  continually  upon 
their  farms;  merchants,  manufacturers,  and  me- 
chanics, composed  not  a  fifth  part  of  the  entire  popu- 
lation. Cultivators  of  the  earth  depend  only  on  Pro- 
vidence, and  their  own  industry;  while  other  occupa- 
tions, on  the  contrary,  are  compelled,  more  or  less, 
to  assume  and  accustom  themselves  to  servile  man- 
ners, in  order  to  humour  the  caprices  of  those  by 
whom  they  prosper;  and  thus  the  great  proportion  of 
the  first  class,  with  respect  to  the  others,  must  of  ne- 
cessity have  produced  in  these  colonies  a  description 
of  independent  men,  who  unaccustomed  to  stop  at  any 
obstacles  but  those  presented  by  tjie  very  nature  of 
things,  could  not  fail  to  resent  with  animation,  and 
oppose  with  indignant  energy,  every  curb  which  hu- 
man authority  might  attempt  to  impose. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  colonies  were  also  exempt 
and  out  of  danger  as  it  were,  from  ministerial  seduc- 
tion, the  seat  of  government  being  at  such  a  distance 
that,  far  from  having  handled,  they  had  never  even 
heard  of  this  glittering  rhetoric.  It  was  not,  there- 
fore, customary  among  them  to  corrupt,  and  be  cor- 
rupted: the  magistrates  were  few,  and  the  means  at 
their  disposal  too  limited  to  furnish  temptation. 


285 

This  love  towards  the  sovereign  and  their  ancient 
country,  which  ihe  first  colonists  might  have  retained 
in  their  new  establishment,  gradually  diminished  in 
the  minds  of  their  descendants  in  America;  where 
one  generation  succeeding  another,  at  every  stage 
removed  them  further  from  tlieir  original  stock;  and 
when  the  revolution  commenced,  the  history  of  which 
is  preparing,  the  inhabitants  of  the  English  colonies 
were,  for  the  most  part,  the  third,  fourth,  and  even 
the  fifth  generation  from  the  original  colonists  who 
had  left  England,  and  transplanted  themselves  in  the 
new  world.  At  such  a  distance,  the  relations  of  con- 
sanguinity were  enfeebled  by  desuetude,  or  had  little 
to  recommend  them;  and  the  recollections  of  their 
ancestors,  though  written  in  their  memories,  was  near- 
ly eifaced  from  their  hearts. 

Commerce,  which  has  power  to  unite  and  conciliate 
friendship  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  most  distant 
countries,  was  not  in  the  early  periods  of  the  colonies, 
so  frequent  as  to  produce  these  effects  between  the 
inhabitants  of  England  and  of  America. 

The  most  of  the  colonists  had  heard  nothing  of 
England,  excepting  that  it  was  a  distant  region  from 
which  their  ancestors  had  been  wickedly  and  cruelly 
expelled  or  hunted  away ;  since  they  had  been  forced 
to  seek  refuare  in  the  deserts  and  forests  of  wild  Ame- 
rica,  inhabited  only  by  savage  men  and  prowling 
beasts,  or  venomous  and  horrible  serpents. 

The  distance  of  a  government  diminishes  its  force, 
either  because  in  the  absence  of  the  splendour,  and 
magnificence  of  the  throne,  men  yield  obedience  only 
to  its  poAver,  unsupported  by  the  invitations  of  respect 
and  of  illusion;  or  because  its  agents,  entrusted  with 


286 

the  execution  of  the  laws  in  distant  countries,  are  al- 
lowed a  larger  discretion;  and  thus  the  people  govern- 
ed is  inspired  with  the  hope  of  being  able  to  escape 
tlieir  restraints. 

What  therefore  could  have  been  the  force  of  the 
English  government  in  America,  when  it  is  considered 
that  between  the  two  countries  lies  an  ocean  three 
thousand  miles  in  breadth;  and  that  entire  months 
must  transpire  between  the  date  of  an  order  and  its 
execution?  It  should  be  added  also  that,  except  in 
time  of  war,  standing  armies,  this  powerful  engine  of 
coertion,  were  not  numerous  in  England,  and  still 
more  inconsiderable  in  America ;  it  being  also  contra- 
ry to  the  laws  to  maintain  them:  it  follows  of  necessity, 
that  as  the  instruments  of  constraint  on  the  part  of  the 
government  were  feeble,  so  there  must  have  arisen, 
and  hourly  increased  in  the  minds  of  the  Americans 
the  hope,  and  with  it  the  desire  to  throw  off  the  yoke 
of  English  superiority. 

All  these  considerations  refer  more  especially  to  the 
condition  of  the  oriental  provinces  of  English  Ame- 
rica.    But  in  those  of  the  south,  the  lands  being  more 
fertile  and  the  colonists  thereby  enjoying  a  greater 
affluence,  they  must  also  have  been  more  at  liberty 
to  consult  their  own  will,  and  less  dependant  by  na- 
tural wants  on  that  of  others.    Nor  can  this  be  thought 
to  have  enervated,  or  vitiated  their  minds;   but,  on 
the  contrary,    as  they  resided  continually  on  their 
plantations,  far  from  the  luxury  and  seductions  of  ci- 
ties; as  they  were  frugal,  and  moderate  in  all  their 
desires,  the  great  abundance  of  things  necessary  to 
human  life  must  have  contributed  to  render  their  bo- 
dies more  vigorous,  and  their  minds  more  impatient 
of  all  subjection. 


S87 

In  these  provinces,  also,  the  slavery  of  the  Blacks, 
which  was  in  use,  though  it  may  seem  at  first  a  strange 
assertion,  ren<iered  liberty  more  dear  to  the  white 
population.  Having  before  their  eyes  continually  a 
living  example  of  the  wretchedness  to  which  man  is 
reduced  by  slavery,  they  better  knew,  and  could 
more  ji-istly  appreciate,  the  liberty  they  enjo}'ed;  this 
liberty  they  considered  not  a  right  but  a  franchise,  and 
privilege;  and  as  it  is  usual  for  men,  when  their  own 
interests  and  passions  are  concerned,  to  judge  partial- 
ly, and  with  intellectual  blindness,  the  colonists  im- 
patiently supported  the  superiority  of  the  English 
government,  and  its  pretensions,  as  tending  to  reduce 
them  to  a  state  approaching,  or  similar  to  that  of  their 
own  slaves :  thus  detesting,  when  apjilied  to  them- 
selves, what  they  practised  upon  others. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  colonies,  and  esjiecially 
those  of  New  England,  enjoyed  not  merely  the  sha- 
dow, but  even  the  very  substance  of  the  English 
constitution :  for,  in  this  respect,  little  was  wanting 
to  their  entire  independence.  They  elected  their 
own  magistrates,  and  paid  them ;  every  thing  relating 
to  internal  administration  was  in  their  own  hands ; 
and  the  sole  evidence  of  their  dependance  on  the 
mother  country,  consisted  in  this:  that  they  could 
not  enact  laws  or  statutes  contrary  to  the  letter,  or 
intention  of  the  English  laws ;  that  the  king  might 
withhold  his  sanction,  essential  to  the  validity  of  the 
deliberations  of  their  assemblies;  and  that  they  were 
subject  to  such  regulations  and  restrictions  of  com- 
merce, as  the  Parliament  should  judge  necessary,  and 
■conducive  to  the  general  good  of  the  empire. 

These  restrictions,  however,  were  rather  nominal 


288 

than  effectual;  for  the  king  very  rarely  exercised  the 
right  of  Veto:  and,  on  the  other  hand,  they  dexter- 
ously evaded  these  rules  and  restrictions,  by  means 
of  contraband  traffic.  The  provincial  assemblies,  also, 
were  abundantly  free;  and  perhaps  less  dependant 
than  the  parliament  of  England  itself:  for  in  them 
were  no  ministers  prompt  with  the  daily  whisper; 
and  the  democratic  zeal  and  ardour,  was  under  no 
restraint,  or  little  less  than  none ;  since  the  governors 
who  intervened  on  the  part  of  Royalty  had  too  little 
credit  to  control  it;  as  they  received  their  salaries, 
not  from  the  crown,  but  the  provinces  themselves; 
and,  in  some  instances,  were  elected,  also,  by  the  suf- 
frages of  the  inhabitants. 

The  religious  zeal,  which  prevailed  even  to  excess 
in  the  colonies,  and  chiefly  among  the  inhabitants  of 
New  England,  maintained  the  purity  of  their  manners; 
frugality,  temperance,  and  chastity,  were  ordinary 
virtues  in  the  midst  of  this  people.  There  were  no 
examples  among  them  of  wives  devoted  to  the  toilette, 
of  husbands  to  ebriety,  or  of  sons  to  the  walks  of 
pleasure.  The  ministers  of  a  severe  religion  were 
respected,  and  revered;  for  they  presented  the  exam- 
ple of  the  virtues  they  preached.  Here  time  was  no 
burden;  divided  between  rural  occupations,  domestic 
parties,  and  prayers  and  thanksgivings  addressed 
and  returned  for  innumerable  blessings,  to  that  God 
by  whose  bounty  the  seasons  were  made  propitious, 
and  the  earth  to  smile  on  their  labours  with  beauty 
and  abundance.  And  if  we  add  further,  that  the  in- 
habitants of  New  England,  after  vanquishing  the  first 
obstacles,  found  themselves  in  a  prolific,  and  health- 
ful region,  it  will  appear  less  surprising,  that  in  the 


289 

course  of  a  century,  the  population  of  the  American 
colonists  should  have  multiplied  so  rapidly,  as  that  a 
few,  unfortunate  families  driven  by  adverse  fortune 
to  these  distant  shores,  should  have  become  in  this 
short  period — a  great  and  powerful  nation.  For  it 
should  be  recollected,  that  •American  fathers  were 
exempt  from  these  inquietudes  which  daily  and  al- 
most hourly  perplex  and  goad  the  minds  of  European 
parents,  concerning  the  subsistence,  and  future  esta- 
blishment of  their  offspring. 

Thus  the  natural  wish  to  enjoy  the  endearments  of 
connubial  life,  encountered  in  America  no  opposition 
from  the  restraints  of  a  narrow  fortime;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  the  birth  of  a  son  was  an  event  not  only 
flattering  to  paternal  love,  but  also  prosperous  for  the 
interests  of  a  whole  family;  for  in  this  immensity  of 
uncultivated  lands,  it  could  not  be  doubted  that  the 
new  infant  when  arrived  at  the  proper  age,  by  reduc- 
ing other  tracts  to  a  state  of  cultivation,  would  pro- 
cure for  himself  and  his  parents,  a  new  support;  and, 
therefore,  the  more  children,  the  more  instruments  of 
competence  and  ease  for  all.  Whence  it  is  plain 
that,  in  America,  nature,  climate,  civil,  and  religious 
institutions,  and  even  the  interests  of  families,  all 
tended  to  people  it,  with  robust  and  virtuous  fathers 
— with  swarms  of  vigorous  and  spirited  sons. 

Storia  delta  Guerra  delV  Independenza  degli 
^Stati  Uniti  d^  America. 

Da  Carlo  Botta. 

THE  END, 


•v/. 


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